By The Marx China

In this report, we Marxists attempt to explain how China’s economic crisis developed under the impact of the global capitalist crisis and how it has been exacerbated by the recent surge in global energy prices, triggered by the 2026 war with Iran. The economic catastrophe under Xi Jinping’s government and the Chinese Communist Party is generating waves of protests, attributed to the continued devaluation of the yuan (CNY) and a wave of layoffs. Faced with this situation, the Chinese proletariat is confronting its greatest challenge to survival since the beginning of the 21st century. Several recent, exemplary protests mark a shift within the Chinese working class, moving from purely economic protests to collective action with political demands, characterized primarily by opposition to an “unscrupulous government” whose sole purpose is to maintain the privileges of the ruling classes.

1. Industrial downsizing and “relocation and abandonment” of production: Strike at Ideal Auto Parts in Ningbo

From April 7 to 8, hundreds of workers at the Ideal Auto Parts factory in Ningbo, Zhejiang Province, went on strike to protest the company’s relocation and the lack of compensation for losses suffered due to layoffs. The workers spontaneously gathered to demand that the company’s management protect their interests in accordance with the Labor Law. Police intervened to communicate with the workers and attempted to identify several “workers’ representatives” at the site, but one worker refused, stating, “There are no representatives; everyone’s demands are different.”

The instability in the automotive supply chain reflects the dire situation of China’s manufacturing industry, which is under the double pressure of rising costs (electricity, raw materials) and export disruptions (disruptions to maritime transport caused by the war). Capitalists are attempting to shift the costs of industrial transformation onto workers, leaving them with nothing, while the workers are fighting back with collective strikes.

2. Thousands of people protested for days after a supermarket chain in Nanyang, Henan, went bankrupt.

Between April 7 and 8, the Lukangyuan supermarket chain, located in Nanyang, Henan province, went bankrupt. More than ten stores closed overnight, and their owners fled. This sparked days of protests by thousands of employees, suppliers, and partners, who demanded back pay, refunds for outstanding purchases, and the remaining balance on their membership cards. On April 8, some employees attempted to draw attention to the incident by blocking traffic.

Lukangyuan, a supermarket chain in Nanyang, Henan Province, was a regional retail giant with a near-monopoly. Before its bankruptcy, Lukangyuan was among the leading supermarket chains in Nanyang City, with dozens of large stores in the city center and surrounding counties (notably those on Chezhan Road, Dushan Avenue, and Binhe Road). This dense network of stores allowed it to penetrate the most basic social circles of Nanyang residents.

Lukangyuan (commonly known as Nanyang Lukangyuan Trading Co., Ltd.) exhibits typical characteristics of local bureaucratic capitalism in China:

① Family control : Decision-making power is highly concentrated in the hands of a few family members and transparency in management is extremely low.

2. Close ties between government and business : As a major contributor to and participant in the “vegetable basket project,” the company had long enjoyed the backing and support of local authorities. This context fostered the illusion among ordinary people that “with government support, it will never fail,” leading them to confidently invest large sums of money in the company.

Lukangyuan’s expansion does not depend entirely on retail profits, but rather on a highly leveraged cash flow strategy:

① Dependence on prepaid cards : The company relies heavily on the “member recharge” model. Through frequent “recharge 1000 and get 100 free” promotions, it has absorbed hundreds of millions of yuan in interest-free working capital from tens of thousands of members.

2. Supplier exploitation : Lukangyuan imposes extremely long payment terms (generally 3 to 6 months) on its suppliers. In reality, it uses supplier payments and member advances as “interest-free loans” for other investments in its own projects (such as real estate, microloans, etc.).

3. The withdrawal of multinational capital: A Russian company unilaterally breached a contract, and thousands of Chinese workers took to the streets to demand payment of their back wages.

On April 12, more than 1,000 Chinese workers from the Komsomolsk-on-Amur oil refinery in Russia took to the streets. Dressed in their work uniforms, they braved the bitter cold to display banners in Chinese and Russian, protesting five months of unpaid wages from the company that owns the project.

The trigger for this crisis was Rosneft, the Russian state-owned oil company. At a critical juncture, when the hydrocracking project was 90% complete, Rosneft abruptly announced the termination of its contract with the general contractor, a subsidiary of the Beijing Haihua Group, citing “quality and deadline” issues. Rosneft refused to provide funds to pay the Chinese workers’ wages, prompting thousands of Chinese workers in Russia to take to the streets to demand their back pay.

The Komsomolsk-on-Amur hydrocracking project is a key project in Sino-Russian energy cooperation, aimed at processing Russian crude oil for export to China. Its construction was carried out under the guarantee of a series of “strategic cooperation agreements” signed by both countries. Initially, to attract Chinese capital (Haihua Group) and cheap labor, the Russian side offered generous terms.

However, for workers sent to the international labor market, wages were completely unstable. This cooperation was, from the outset, a speculative venture between Chinese bureaucratic capital and Russian state capital. Due to the impact of the Iran-Iraq War and the international revolutionary wave, the exchange rate between the renminbi (CNY) and the ruble (RUB) experienced significant fluctuations. These “strategic projects” quickly lost their investment value, and the legitimate remuneration of workers abroad became free capital used by defaulting capital to maintain its own cash flow and protect itself against losses from bad debts.

4. The exploitation of platform capitalism and the resistance of the working class: the Xi’an taxi drivers’ demonstration

In recent years, traditional taxis have suffered multiple setbacks, including the algorithmic digital exploitation by online ordering platforms and the widespread adoption of bike-sharing systems. The market has shrunk, drivers’ earnings have plummeted, but contractual fares (i.e., the pursuit of monopoly rents) remain high. A large portion of their profits goes to taxi companies (which are, in reality, fronts for the authorities), while the drivers who actually do the work struggle to make a living.

On April 13, hundreds of taxi drivers in Xi’an, Shaanxi Province, protested outside the Xi’an Taxi Management Bureau, demanding a reduction in their contracted fares. During the protest, led by a union leader, the drivers chanted slogans such as “The government is corrupt,” “Down with the management bureau!”, “We need to survive,” and “We need to eat.” Later, the director of the Xi’an Taxi Management Bureau intervened and spoke with the taxi drivers.

When someone shouted the slogan “Bankrupt the taxi company!”, the company representative stated that they could not allow the company to go bankrupt outright, but that they could resolve other issues raised within the limits permitted by the government. Subsequently, the secretary of the Lianhu District Committee from Xi’an City arrived and temporarily calmed the taxi drivers through administrative channels, taking some of them to a meeting room for negotiations. However, the solution proposed by the government lacked compensation, and the implementation timeframe was unacceptable to the taxi drivers, resulting in no progress in their efforts to protect their rights.

Taxi drivers and rideshare drivers are extremely sensitive to rising fuel prices and platform commissions. Their taking to the streets and pointing the finger at the “unscrupulous government” demonstrates that public discontent with the current economic situation has escalated from economic demands to political challenges.

5. The Iran war devastates the Chinese economy: companies went bankrupt and wages plummeted to levels similar to those of 30 years ago.

(1) Systemic collapse of the manufacturing industry

① The textile and plastics industries are in crisis : The video mentions that the soaring rise in oil prices has led to an increase in the cost of raw materials for synthetic fibers (such as polyester and nylon) and plastics, which has caused many factories to close due to their inability to cope with the costs.

Many factories have ceased production due to unsustainable costs. One shop owner mentioned that a third of textile factories are expected to close by the end of the month.

②The wave of closures of established factories : This record shows that many factories that had been operating for decades were dissolved due to the deteriorating business environment, including Dongguan Xingming Plastic Mold Company, which had a 20-year history, and Ting Shan Li Hua Toy Factory, which had been operating for 32 years and in which Hong Kong had invested.

(2) The desolate scene of the shopping center

The desolation of Huaqiangbei in Shenzhen : A video shows the current state of Huaqiangbei, once known as “China’s number one electronics street .” Numerous shops have closed and relocated, some even renting premises for as little as 300 yuan a month (US$44), but without finding tenants. One shop owner lamented, “The most prosperous area of ​​Shenzhen has become this… more desolate than the countryside.”

(3) Sharp wage decline and employment crisis

① The “1,000 yuan salary” (US$147) becomes the norm : In the video, many young people (including graduate students and employees of state-owned enterprises) reported that their monthly income after insurance deductions was only about 1,000 yuan (US$147). A student teacher in a small county in Shaanxi province earned only 800 yuan a month (US$117), and even after becoming a full-time teacher, her salary was just over 1,000 yuan (US$147).

2. Highly educated people forced to change careers : This document includes cases of graduates in broadcasting and voice-over who, unable to find work, turned to selling dumplings at street stalls.

③ Graduation equals unemployment : In 2026, the number of university graduates in China is expected to reach 12.7 million, but job opportunities have declined drastically, forcing many young people to deliver food or stay at home and depend on their parents.

(4) The difficulties that people face in subsisting at the community level.

① Extremely low living budget : A monthly income of 1,000 yuan (US$147) means that daily expenses must be kept under control to avoid exceeding 33 yuan (US$5). One supermarket employee commented that her daily income is just over 20 yuan (US$3).

② Exploitation by intermediaries : The video points out that even in the informal labor market, due to layers of deductions by intermediaries, workers can only earn a few tens of yuan after a full day of sales and promotion.

6. The Great Depression hits China: 50 million homeless, desperate young people begin to rebel

(1) A large homeless population

① The homeless population is increasing : The video cites data showing that, as of August 2025, the number of homeless people in the country has reached approximately 47.5 million, of which 61% are young people under the age of 33.

2. Shelters in the City Streets : This documentary records the closure of the Luohu bus station in Shenzhen and the ubiquitous image of unemployed people sleeping on the streets of Guangzhou and Kunshan. Many day laborers were forced to settle in parks, train station underpasses, and even on second-story platforms in the rain.

(2) The dilemma of job searching and the survival crisis

① Difficulty finding work and widespread fraud : A young man from Shenzhen who had been without work for half a month said he had no money for food or a place to stay; a middle-aged man was scammed by an agency, losing his only savings, and could only drink tap water to fill his stomach.

2. A double blow to the body and mind : A middle-aged man from Sichuan who failed to find work in Xi’an suffered a heart attack and had to sell his mobile phone to buy medicine because he had no money for hospitalization and ended up sleeping on the street.

③ Extreme regression in basic positions : Young people are starting to compete with professional garbage collectors.

(3) The collective collapse of ordinary families

① Unemployed Family : The video shows a family of four who have lost their jobs and are facing the pressure of mortgage payments, car loans and raising children, plunging the family into despair.

2. Professionals’ salaries have been drastically reduced : A doctor at a hospital in Guangxi reported that, due to financial difficulties, he was only able to receive 60% of his salary, leaving him with just over 900 yuan (US$132) after deducting social security contributions.

(4) The awakening of consciousness and the resistance of the younger generation

1. Questioning the grand narratives : Increasingly, young people are beginning to question official propaganda, convinced that the “grand narratives” are too far removed from their reality. They are starting to ask themselves, “Who supports whom?” and reject the so-called “education of gratitude.”

2. Identifying the Real Enemy : Through the personal testimonies of several bloggers, the video analyzes the ruling class’s tactic of “creating a common enemy” to divert attention from internal conflicts. Young people begin to understand that the real enemy is someone who harms their interests, not a distant, officially designated target.

7. The Chinese economy hits rock bottom: thousands of hospitals close, doctors and nurses go on strike over unpaid wages

(1) The collapse of the health system and the protests

①Large- scale strike by medical staff : From April 8 to 9, hundreds of employees of the Hedong District People’s Hospital, Linyi, Shandong Province, began a large-scale strike in protest over two years of unpaid wages and a disruption in social security payments.

2. Wave of hospital closures : The video points out that more than 1,300 private hospitals have closed since 2022. Recently, hospitals such as Suichuan Taihe Hospital in Jiangxi and Chaoyang Kangtai Hospital in Shantou, Guangdong, have announced their closure and mass layoffs.

③ Main cause of closure : The fundamental reason is that the three-year pandemic lockdown depleted the health insurance fund, coupled with deteriorating local government finances, resulting in delays or reductions in hospital funding, putting medical institutions under tremendous pressure to survive.

(2) The “medical winter” at the community level

①Lack of access to medical care : Due to the decline in reimbursement from medical insurance and the shortage of rural pensions, many elderly people (especially in rural areas) are unable to seek medical treatment even when they are ill and can only wait to die at home.

2. Extremely unfair distribution : The video contrasts the enormous gap between the completely free, high-end medical care enjoyed by high-ranking CCP officials and the abysmal medical security available to ordinary people. This imbalance is becoming a source of social unrest.

(3) Chain reaction across multiple industries and wave of wage arrears

① Infrastructure and real estate crisis : Several large industrial park projects in Shanghai and Guangzhou have faced access blockages due to unpaid wages to migrant workers. Profits at major real estate companies like Gemdale Group have plummeted, and the number of employees in the sector faces a potential halving.

2. Disturbances in the manufacturing and service sectors : Auto parts factories, taxi drivers and food delivery workers in Shenzhen, Ningbo, Chongqing and other places went on strike to protest against disguised layoffs, low wages and exploitation by platforms.

③ Unpaid wages within the system : The wave of back wages has spread to teachers, sanitation workers, and even government-subcontracted workers. In Lishu County, Jilin Province, hundreds of retired teachers held a demonstration to protest the suspension of their pension payments.

(4) The dark side of business

① Extreme case of exploitation : An energy company in Guangxi was exposed for forcing battery production workers to take “lead removal agents” to pass physical exams, covering up the fact that workers’ blood lead levels were too high and not turning on environmental protection equipment to save electricity.

2. “Malicious closure” : Some testing companies in Shenzhen suddenly forced their employees to resign without offering them compensation and inspected their personal belongings.

Conclusions and statements

From La Marx China , we support all the demands of the workers and the masses. As a first step in this support, we are committed to dismantling the censorship and cover-up that the regime attempts to impose on all these struggles and demands, making them visible and known to the public through widespread dissemination.

THE MARX CHINA

On February 28, 2026, the United States, in conjunction with the Israeli army (IDF), launched a massive bombing campaign against Iran. This occurred amidst ongoing negotiations between the imperialist government of Donald Trump and the Iranian Ayatollahs’ Islamic oligarchy in Geneva, Switzerland, sponsored by Omani Foreign Minister Badr al-Busaidi. In these negotiations, Trump sought to impose an agreement similar to the one he imposed on Venezuela, that is, to allow the Ayatollahs’ capitalist dictatorship to implement political reforms in exchange for an agreement favorable to the political interests of imperialism in the region.

The attack has triggered a global stock market crash, a surge in oil and gas prices exacerbating global inflation, and a crisis in insurance companies that suspended coverage for maritime transport in the Gulf. All of this is worsening the “perfect storm” of the current global crisis of capitalism, as you can read by clicking here. The attack by the Donald Trump administration is a desperate attempt to cope with the failure and serious crisis his government is facing after its defeat at the hands of the American people, who thwarted the ICE intervention in Minnesota. Donald Trump faces the prospect of a tough electoral defeat in a few months when the midterm elections take place , which will exacerbate the crisis of his government. Cornered by soaring inflation, the wave of strikes by the American working class, the collapse in popular support for his government and the worsening of the global crisis of capitalism, Trump launches a desperate attack against Iran in order to reverse the inevitable collapse and failure of his policy.

Donald Trump is acting like a “mad firefighter” trying to put out a blaze with gasoline, in a military intervention that, as the hours pass, is far from resembling a walk in the park. The Pentagon’s operation is crashing against the revolutionary upsurge engulfing the Middle East, causing significant losses not only in Iran, but also for Israel and the US: The Pentagon has already reported several soldier deaths, multiple attacks on its military bases in the Middle East, damage to its aircraft carriers, and the loss of several fighter jets.

The reality is that the US and Israeli aggression is occurring amidst the revolutionary powder keg engulfing the Middle East, given that the Third Palestinian Intifada defeated Israel’s attempt to seize Gaza and inflicted over 80,000 casualties on the IDF. The Syrian revolution ended 70 years of the Assad regime, and the popular revolution erupted in Iran just two months ago, weakening the Ayatollah regime after the revolution that triggered the collapse of the rial, as you can read by clicking here. The US military faces the prospect of continued increases in its losses, measured by deaths, attacks on its military bases, and bombings.

Trump opens “Pandora’s box” of revolution in the Middle East

Hours before the bombing began, Omani Foreign Minister Badr al-Busaidi was in Washington, D.C., meeting with U.S. Vice President James Vance. Following the meeting, he announced that negotiations between the U.S. and Iranian governments were progressing smoothly. The imperialist plan, thus far, was to forge agreements like the one made with the government of Delcy Rodríguez in Venezuela, and which is also being negotiated with the capitalist dictatorship of Cuba—agreements you can read about by clicking here. These agreements aim to prevent revolutions like those occurring around the world, such as in Nepal, by attempting to quell the revolutionary upsurge of the masses through minor democratic concessions and regime reforms, essentially to keep the dictators in power.

But the Trump Administration is already a crisis government that fails to resolve any of the major crises facing global capitalism, and is massively rejected by the US population. This is why it acts by launching policies like a “blank slash ,” seeking a success that will pull it out of the crisis. This is why, amidst these secret arrangements made between imperialist officials and officials of the Iranian religious oligarchy, US imperialism, together with the government of war criminal Benjamin Netanyahu, launched the bombing operation “Epic Fury,” in which bombs were dropped on Tehran, Qom, Kermanshah, Isfahan, and Karaj, according to the Pentagon, targeting Iran’s nuclear facilities and its ballistic missile program.

The reality is that both Mossad and the Pentagon knew about a meeting of the highest military and religious officials of the Ayatollah dictatorship, and therefore decided to attack it in order to violently decapitate the regime. The combined imperialist force simultaneously attacked several sites, assassinating numerous high-ranking Iranian officials, including the supreme religious and military leader Ali Khamenei, the Secretary of the Iranian Defense Council, Ali Shamkhani, the Commander of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), General Mohammad Pakpour, the Minister of Defense, Brigadier General Aziz Nasir Zadeh, the head of intelligence at Khatam ol Anbia Saleh Asadi, the Chief of the Supreme Leader’s Military Office, Mohammad Shirazi, the President of the Defense Innovation and Research Organization (SPND), Hossein Jabal Amelian, and the former president of the SPND, Reza Mozafari Nia—a total of 40 Iranian leaders.

The criminal bombing of Iranian cities, with approximately 900 combined attacks, was intended to effectively suppress Iranian air defenses and prevent a counterattack. Despite causing immense destruction, including the attack on an Iranian primary school that killed dozens of children, the imperialist attacks failed to completely cripple Iran’s military capabilities. This triggered an Iranian military counterattack, with bombs and missiles raining down on Tel Aviv and other Israeli cities, as well as on US military bases in Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Qatar, Iraq, and other countries in the region.Iranian ballistic missiles also struck the Ali al-Salem air base in Kuwait and the Muwaffaq al-Salti air base in Jordan, while a mass uprising erupted in Arab countries, with attacks on US consulates.

The Iranian military response, coupled with the growing mass uprisings across the Middle East, has plunged Operation Epic Fury into crisis. If Trump fails to achieve results with the bombings in the coming days, the political and social crisis in the US, and indeed throughout the Middle East, could worsen, and the entire imperialist operation could fail spectacularly. The stock market crash and the global capitalist collapse are further exacerbated by the Houthi troops governing Yemen occupying the Strait of Hormuz, as they did during the Third Intifada, thereby blocking the main access route for global oil trade. Imperialist countries, having lost control of the Red Sea, must circumnavigate Africa to trade, which automatically drives up prices because it extends the routes necessary for global crude oil supply by thousands of kilometers, and also leaves oil tankers vulnerable to Somali and other pirates.

Down with the bombings, out with imperialism, and the Ayatollahs! Long live the revolution of the Iranian people and the Middle East!

Following the death of Ali Khamenei and the top brass in Iran, Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian formally assumed the role of Supreme Leader during the transition period. The Iranian constitution stipulates that the president, the head of the judiciary, and a member of the Guardian Council will assume the responsibilities of the Supreme Leader until the Assembly of Experts of Iran convenes to elect a new leader. Therefore, President Masoud Pezeshkian, Chief Justice Gholam Hossein Mohseni Ejei, and one of the six jurists of the Guardian Council have the constitutional mandate to govern Iran. Having failed in its initial attempts to completely dismantle Iran’s military capabilities, the political situation in the Middle East, and indeed the world, is heading toward a horrific prospect for imperialism. The specter of a new global Intifada has resurfaced, potentially leading to a new global wave of mobilizations that could ultimately defeat imperialism and the government of Donald Trump—a prospect that is once again gaining momentum and causing global stock markets to plummet.

Between 70% and 80% of the US population has spoken out against the war. The Islamic Resistance of Iraq, a coalition of Iraqi militias backed by Iran, carried out 16 unspecified “operations” with “dozens” of drones against “enemy” bases in Iraq and the region . Kataib Hezbollah south of Baghdad began developing resistance actions in Iraq, while Hezbollah in Lebanon began firing missiles toward Israel, anticipating a possible Israeli invasion from southern Lebanon. Palestinian militias have already declared their support for the struggle of the Arab peoples against the bombing by imperialism and Israel, thus creating a bloc of Arab militia forces to confront imperialism in the region.

Iran’s bombing of Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Kuwait, and the United Arab Emirates seeks to expose the sinister role of these extremely wealthy Arab bourgeoisies of sheikhs and businessmen who are supporting Israel and the US. No social class disappears from history without a fight, and thus the Iranian Islamic oligarchy, in its grave crisis, sends missiles toward military garrisons in Arab countries whose governments have “abandoned” them and, in fact, are submitting to the imperialist attack. But the international isolation of the Trump administration and Israel is also growing; they are outright hated worldwide, since European and Japanese imperialism, as well as the capitalist sub-metropolises of India, China, and Russia, are acting as mere spectators: they do not decisively support imperialist aggression and call for “de-escalation . “ It is a hypocritical and pro-imperialist policy because at the same time they neither prevent nor block imperialist aggression, which reveals the sinister and counter-revolutionary role of the UN, and all international political bodies that only serve to validate capitalism and global imperialism.

These events also eliminate 99% of the world’s left and the world’s charlatans who uphold the “Decoupling Theory ,” claiming that China and Russia are headed for World War III against imperialism. Reality clearly shows that these theories are pure charlatanism, that there is only one imperialism in the world, desperately trying to defend the global imperialist capitalist order, and that is the United States. All current events only reaffirm that what truly exists is a global struggle between revolution and counter-revolution, and that the capitalist governments of China, Russia, and India are simply vassals of US and European imperialism. They are a counter-revolutionary front that we must confront and destroy to end capitalism.

The Stalinists and social democrats who sow hope in capitalist countries like China and Russia, or in bourgeois governments like those of Lula and Petro, or the New Popular Front in France, or Syriza, or Podemos in Spain, are irredeemable traitors. The Iranian bourgeoisie itself, sinister, retrograde, and medieval, is being destroyed by its class contradictions, which render it incapable of waging a consistent anti-imperialist struggle. This Islamic capitalist oligarchy became entangled in the web of agreements and negotiations with imperialism, which led to the deaths of its fundamentalist Islamic leaders.

Honest activists who still remain in groups that foster illusions about bourgeois and capitalist governments must immediately break with them and join the Marxist regroupment of the Marx International. From the Marx International, we promote the unity of the peoples of the Middle East, unity in global mobilization to achieve the defeat of imperialist aggression, and simultaneously, the violent overthrow of the Arab dictatorships and oligarchies that serve imperialism. Therefore, from the Marx International, we say: Down with the bombings! Out with imperialism and Israel from the Middle East! Out with the Ayatollahs of Iran! Long live the revolution of the Iranian and Middle Eastern people!

Republished from: https://www.revolucion.org.es/l/down-with-the-us-and-israeli-bombings-out-with-the-ayatollahs-long-live-the-struggle-of-the-peoples-of-iran-and-the-middle-east/

Street vendors of Rajasthan organise different programs in different sectors of Udaipur Rajasthan,  for climate justice,  to stop the Funding on fossil fuel and rights of women on food and role of women in economy..Vivekanand Vidya Mandir Bhinyad  shiv  BARMER students also participate in this program.

Long live Nhf. !  

R.SevvilamParithi 

Advocate 

GeneralSecretary #Nhf..

Tamilnadu.

سنگھ دربار جہاں نیپالی حکومت کے دفاتر ہیں آگ کی لپیٹ میں تھےاور یہ مناظر دنیا بھر کے سامنے ہیں۔ ویڈیوز میں دیکھا جا سکتا ہے کہ مشتعل مظاہرین نیپالی کانگریس پارٹی کے چیئرمین اوران کی اہلیہ (قائم مقام وزیرِ خارجہ) کو گھیر کر مار رہے ہیں جب کہ بیریکیڈز پر جولی راجر کے جھنڈے لہرا رہے ہیں۔ انڈونیشیا میں ہونے والے بڑے عوامی احتجاج کے بعد اب نیپال میں بھی عوام سڑکوں پر نکل آئے ہیں۔

 مغربی میڈیا ان واقعات کو ’’جنریشن زی کا سوشل میڈیا پر پابندی کے خلاف غصہ‘‘ قرار دے رہا ہے لیکن حقیقت میں یہ اس نظام کے بحران کے خلاف احتجاج ہے ۔ سرکاری عمارتوں اور امراء کے گھروں کو آگ لگانے والے نوجوان دراصل پورے بدعنوان اور ناانصافی پر مبنی نظام کے خلاف ہیں۔ اب سوال یہ ہے یہ تحریک کس طرح کامیابی سے ہمکنار ہو سکتی ہے؟ اس سے پہلے ضروری ہے کہ ہم اس بغاوت کی وجوہات اور واقعات کی ترتیب کو دیکھیں۔

واقعات کا سلسلہ

۔4ستمبر 2025 کوحکومت نے اچانک انسٹاگرام، فیس بک، واٹس ایپ اور اسنیپ چیٹ سمیت 26 سوشل میڈیا پلیٹ فارمز پر پابندی لگا دی۔ اس کے فوراً بعد ملک بھر میں بجلی بند کر دی گئی۔ حکومت کا یہ جواز تھا کہ ان کمپنیوں نے ریاستی نگرانی کے لیے رجسٹریشن سے انکار کیا تھا۔

یہ فیصلہ حیران کن نہیں تھا۔ سپریم کورٹ نے پہلے ہی ستمبر 2024 میں حکم دیا تھا کہ تمام پلیٹ فارمز کو رجسٹر ہونا ہوگا تاکہ حکومت ’’ناموزوں مواد‘‘ کو کنٹرول کر سکے۔28 اگست کو حکومت نے الٹی میٹم دیا تھاکہ سات دن میں رجسٹر ہو جائیں ورنہ یہ کمپنیاں بند کر دی جائیں گئیں۔ کچھ کمپنیوں جیسے ٹک ٹاک اور وائبر نے حکم مان لیاتھا لیکن فیس بک، انسٹاگرام اور واٹس ایپ نے انکار کر دیا تھا۔ مبصرین کے مطابق اصل وجہ یہ تھی کہ حالیہ ہفتوں میں ٹک ٹاک پر سیاسی اشرافیہ کے بیٹے بیٹیاں اپنی عیاشی اور دولت کا مظاہرہ کرتے دکھائے جا رہے تھے ایسے ملک میں جہاں سالانہ اوسط آمدنی صرف 1400 ڈالر ہے۔

۔8ستمبر 2025 کوکھٹمنڈو کی سڑکیں عوام سے بھر گئیں۔ خاص طور پر شہر کے مرکز میں میتیگھر منڈلااورنیو بانیشورمیں پارلیمنٹ کے آس پاس یہ احتجاج اصل میں ایک این جی او “ہمی نیپال” کے انیل بانیہ نے منظم کیا تھا۔ لیکن پولیس نے پتھراؤ کے جواب میں براہِ راست فائرنگ کی جس کے نتیجہ میں 19 افراد مارے گئےاور 347 زخمی ہوئےجن میں اسکول یونیفارم میں بچے بھی شامل تھے

بانیہ نے بعد میں کہا کہ یہ احتجاج بیرونی قوتوں اور پارٹی کارکنوں نے “ہائی جیک” کر لیا تھا لیکن یہ حقیقت بھی اس وحشیانہ کارروائی کا جواز نہیں ہے۔ سیکورٹی فورسزکی گولیوں نے ایک مظاہرے کو قتل عام میں بدل دیا۔ شام کو حکومت نے صورتحال کو پرسکون کرنے کی کوشش کی۔ سوشل میڈیا کی پابندی ہٹا دی گئی۔ وزیر داخلہ رمیش لیکھک نے استعفیٰ دے دیا اور کرفیو نافذ کر دیا گیا لیکن بہت دیر ہو چکی تھی ۔ تحریک اب  حکومت کے خاتمے کا مطالبہ کررہی تھی۔

منگل 9 ستمبرکو احتجاج میں شدت آگئی۔ نوجوانوں نے کرفیو کی پرواہ کیے بغیر پارلیمنٹ کی عمارت کے گرد جمع ہونا شروع کر دیا۔ کچھ نے تو منگل کی صبح گروونگ کے گھر اور ایک ہوٹل کو بھی آگ لگا دی۔ صدارتی محل، وزیر اعظم کی رہائش گاہ، وزیر اعظم اولی کا ذاتی گھر، وزیر داخلہ، اور کمیونسٹ پارٹی آف نیپال (ماؤسٹ) کے  لیڈر کے گھر کو بھی آگ لگادی گئی جو اپوزیشن میں ہیں ۔ سی پی یو ایم ایل (کے پی این-متحد مارکسٹ-لیننسٹ) کے پارٹی ہیڈکوارٹر پر بھی حملہ کیا گیا۔

اس کےنتیجے میں وزیر اعظم کھڑگا پرساد شرما اولی نے استعفیٰ دے دیا اور کئی وزراء اورارکان پارلیمنٹ بھی اپنے عہدوں سے مستعفی ہوگئے۔ اسی رات نیپالی فوج نے “قانون اور نظم و ضبط”کو یقینی بنانے کے لیے “کنٹرول” سنبھالنے کا اعلان کردیا۔ فوج نے مظاہرین کو امن مذاکرات کی دعوت بھی دی۔ بی بی سی کے ایک نمائندے کے مطابق طلباء رہنماوں نے مطالبات کی ایک تازہ فہرست پیش کی ہے۔

فوج نے کنٹرول سنبھال رکھا ہے اور وہ طاقت اور پرامن مذاکرات (جس میں طلباء نمائندوں کو شامل کیا گیا ہے) کے امتزاج سے حالات کو قابو کرنے کی کوشش کر رہی ہے

پس منظر

بادشاہت کے خاتمے کے 17 سالوں میں نیپال میں 13 مختلف حکومتیں بنی ہیں۔سیاسی عدم استحکام، بدعنوانی اور معاشی جمود نیپال کی پہچان بن گیا ہے۔

۔2022کے ایوان نمائندگان کے انتخابات میں تینوں کمیونسٹ پارٹیوں کے پی این وی ایم ایل، کمیونسٹ پارٹی آف نیپال (ماؤسٹ سینٹر) اور کمیونسٹ پارٹی آف نیپال (متحد سوشلسٹ) نے مل کر تقریباً 44 فیصد نشستیں اور 40 فیصد ووٹ حاصل کیے جو ایک اچھی پیش رفت لگ رہی تھی۔

لیکن ان انتخابات کے بعد 19 مہینوں میں چار مختلف اتحادی حکومتیں بنیں۔ احتجاج سے پہلے حکومت سی پی این(ایم ایل) اور نیپالی کانگریس پارٹی نے بنائی تھی۔ اس کا مطلب یہ ہے کہ ایکٹیوسٹوں کی ایک پوری نسل سیاسی عدم استحکام میں پروان چڑھی ہے جسے وہ برداشت کرنے پر مجبور ہیں۔ 2024 میں نوجوانوں میں بے روزگاری تقریباً 20 فیصد تھی۔ ہر روز تقریباً 2,000 نوجوان نیپالی خلیجی ریاستوں یا جنوب مشرقی ایشیا میں کام کرنے کے لیے ملک سے جانے پر مجبور ہیں۔ 2008 اور 2022 کے درمیان 4.7 ملین سے زیادہ نئے ورک پرمٹ جاری کیے گئے۔ سرکاری طور پر دس لاکھ نیپالی بھارت میں کام کرتے ہیں لیکن اصل تعداد اس سے کہیں زیادہ ہے۔ اندازہ ہے کہ تقریباً 6 ملین لوگ (کام کرنے کی عمر کی آبادی کا 32 فیصد) بیرون ملک ملازمت کرتے ہیں۔

نیپال کی اکثریت دیہی علاقوں میں رہتی ہے اور زراعت میں کام کرتی ہے۔ افرادی قوت کا 62 فیصد زراعت پر انحصار کرتا ہے لیکن یہ جی ڈی پی کا صرف ایک چوتھائی حصہ ہے۔ صنعت میں 17 فیصد سے کم لوگ کام کرتے ہیں لیکن اس کا جی ڈی پی میں حصہ صرف 13 فیصد ہے۔ سروس سیکٹر جی ڈی پی کا 52 فیصد ہے اور یہ سب سے بڑا حصہ ہے لیکن اس شعبے میں صرف 20.5 فیصد لوگ کام کرتے ہیں۔ یہ احتجاج اب تک شہروں خاص طور پر کٹھمنڈو میں مرکوز رہا ہے۔

تحریک کی قیادت کا بحران

اس بڑی تحریک میں قیادت کا گہرا بحران ہے۔ نیپال کی کمیونسٹ پارٹیوں کی پالیسیاں حل نہیں ہیں بلکہ یہ خود مسئلے کا حصہ ہیں۔ ماؤسٹ پارٹیوں کے بورژوا پروگرام  کی حقیقت موجودہ احتجاج نے واضح کردی ہے۔ بورژوا یا بادشاہت کے حامی “اپوزیشن” والے بھی اب خود کو سامنے لانے کی کوشش کر رہے ہیں۔

بادشاہ گیانندر کو بادشاہت حامیوں کی طرف سے حمایت مل رہی ہے جنہوں نے خانہ جنگی کے بعد مارکسی حکومتوں کی مخالفت کی تھی۔ ماضی میں انہیں موجودہ سیاسی نظام سے مایوس ہونے والوں کے لیے “مزاحمت کی علامت” کے طور پر پیش کیا گیا تھا۔ اس سال کے شروع میں ہزاروں بادشاہت کے حامیوں نے بادشاہت کی بحالی کے لیے مظاہرہ کیا تھا۔ یہ مظاہرے کچل دیے گئے اور کم از کم دو افراد ہلاک ہوئے۔ کٹھمنڈو ضلعی انتظامیہ نے مرکزی سرکاری اضلاع میں دو ماہ کے لیے پانچ سے زیادہ لوگوں کے اکٹھے ہونے پر پابندی لگا دی تھی جس میں بھوک ہڑتال، مظاہرے اور ریلیاں شامل تھیں۔ اس وقت نیپال میں بادشاہ کی واپسی کی بحث بھی دوبارہ شروع ہو گئی ہے۔

دوسری طرف کٹھمنڈو کے آزاد میئر بالیندرشاہ ہیں۔ الجزیرہ نے انہیں احتجاجی تحریک کا چہرہ کہا ہے جبکہ ٹائمز آف انڈیا کے مطابق وہ یا تو آزاد امیدوار کے طور پر یا راشتری سواتنتر پارٹی (قومی آزادی پارٹی) کے ذریعے وزیر اعظم کا الیکشن لڑ سکتے ہیں۔

ان دونوں رجحانات سے یہ واضح ہے کہ ایسے بڑے پیمانے پر ہونے والے احتجاج شاذ و نادر ہی ہم خیال ہوتے ہیں لیکن ابھی تک یہ واضح نہیں ہے کہ کون سی قوتیں غالب آئیں گی۔ اس وجہ  سے سوال پیدا ہوتا ہے کہ بدعنوانی کے خلاف جنگ کیسے جیتی جا سکتی ہے؟

ماضی کے اسباق

نیپال کی احتجاجی تحریک کے بہت سے مطالبات بین الاقوامی پریس یا سوشل میڈیا تک نہیں پہنچے ہیں۔ اگر یہ تحریک واقعی بدعنوانی سے لڑنا چاہتی ہے تو اس کو اس کی بنیاد کو سمجھنا ہوگا۔محض علامتی اقدامات یا انفرادی مطالبات کافی نہیں ہیں۔ ماضی سے سیکھنا ضروری ہے 2024 میں بنگلہ دیش میں طلباء نے بدعنوانی سے لڑنے کے لیے پارلیمنٹ پر دھاوا بولا تھا۔ لیکن اس بغاوت کا کیا نتیجہ نکلا؟ حکومت کے سربراہ کو ملک سے باہر نکال دیا گیا ایک عبوری حکومت نے اقتدار سنبھال لیا اور سابق سیاسی راہنماوں کو نظام کا حصہ بنا لیا گیا۔ اب انہیں خود بدعنوانی کے الزامات کا سامنا ہے۔ اس سے ظاہر ہوتا ہے کہ وہ مطالبات جو طاقت پرمنظم کنٹرول کے لیے جدوجہد نہیں کرتے وہ بورژوا ڈھانچوں کی حدود کو قبول کرلیتے ہیں۔

نیپال میں ماؤسٹوں نے بھی یہی کیا تھا انہوں نے 2006 میں خانہ جنگی جیتی (صرف گوریلا جنگ کی وجہ سے نہیں بلکہ شہری آبادی میں بڑے پیمانے پر بغاوت اس کی اہم  وجہ تھی)۔ لیکن انہوں نے کبھی بھی مزدوروں اور کسانوں کی حکومت قائم نہیں کی یہ کہتے ہوئے کہ نیپال ابھی اس کے لیے تیار نہیں ہے اور اسے پہلے ایک “جمہوری” اور “سامراج مخالف”(خاص طور پر بھارت مخالف) سرمایہ دارانہ ترقی کے عہد سے گزرنا ہو گا۔ جس کی وجہ سے وہ ایک بورژوا حکومت کا حصہ بن گئے (شروع میں یہ بادشاہت کے تحت تھی)۔ زرعی اصلاحات کو ملتوی کر دیا گیا اور سرمایہ دارانہ معیشت برقرار رکھی گئی کہ “پہلا قدم بورژواء درمیانی مرحلے کے ذریعے غریبوں کی زندگی کی سطح کو بلند کرنا ہے”۔

کے پی این(ماؤسٹ سینٹر) کی پالیسی مسلح پیٹی بورژوا جدوجہد اور اصلاح پسند پارلیمنٹیرینزم کی ہم آہنگی کی ایک بہترین مثال ہے۔ چند مہینوں میں اور بغیر کسی بڑے اندرونی تنازع کے 2006 میں پارٹی نے حکومت میں شمولیت اختیار کر لی تھی۔

ان دونوں مثالوں میں ایک بات مشترک ہےیعنی وہ یہ واضح کرتی ہیں کہ بدعنوانی کو صرف اپیلوں یا انتخابی اقدامات سے نہیں روکا جا سکتاہے۔ یہ بھی ثابت ہوتا ہے کہ قومی سطح پر “جمہوریت” کو برقرار رکھتے ہوئے سرمایہ دارانہ معیشت کو برقرار رکھنا ناممکن ہے۔ ماؤسٹوں کے “مراحلہ وار انقلاب” کا نظریہ صرف موجودہ حالت کو برقرار رکھنے اور سرمایہ دارانہ بدحالی کو سنبھالتا ہے۔

سالوں سے نیپال کی مختلف “کمیونسٹ” پارٹیاں ریاستی نظام کا حصہ بن چکی ہیں۔ ان کے سرمایے اور زمین کے ملکان سے گہرے تعلقات ہیں اور بہت سے لوگ خود بھی طبقہ امراء کا حصہ بن گئے ہیں۔ یہ منڈی کی معیشت کی حمایت کرتے ہیں۔ مثال کے طور پر 2018 میں کے پی این(وی ایم ایل) اور کے پی این(ماؤسٹ سینٹر) کے انضمام سے بننے والی نیپالی کمیونسٹ پارٹی نے زور دیا تھا کہ نجی شعبہ ملک کے لیے “ترقی کا انجن”ہے اور اسے فروغ دیا جانا چاہیے۔

صرف عام جمہوری مطالبات تک محدود رہنا جو حقیقت میں کسی مقصد کے بغیر ہوتے ہیں بالآخر یہ بورژوا قوتوں کے آگے سر جھکانے پر مجبور کر دیتے ہیں۔ جو کوئی بھی بدعنوانی سے کامیابی سے لڑنا چاہتا ہے اسے مسئلے کی جڑ پر حملہ کرنا چاہیے۔اسے اشرافیہ کی طاقت کو چیلنج کرنا ہوگا، ریاست کے ڈھانچوں کا پردہ فاش کرنا اور پورے سامراجی نظام کو للکارنا ہوگا۔ یہ بھی واضح ہے کہ نیپال کی آزادی صرف قومی سطح پرممکن نہیں ہے اس کے لیے استحصال اور سامراج کے خلاف بین الاقوامی جدوجہد میں یکجہتی اور نظریات کی ضرورت ہے۔ لیکن عملی طور پر یہ کیسے ہوگا؟

انقلابیوں کے فرائض

انقلابیوں کا کام یہ ہے کہ وہ تحریک کے اندر بورژوا پارٹیوں سے مکمل آزادی کے لیے جدوجہد کریں اور ایک انقلابی پروگرام کے لیے لڑیں جو مزدور طبقے اور کسانوں کی ضروریات کو پورا کر سکے۔ محلوں اور دیہی علاقوں میں ایسی کمیٹیوں کی ضرورت ہے جو موجودہ واقعات پر جمہوری بحث کریں اور فوج کی گرفتاریوں کے خلاف اپنا دفاع کرسکیں۔ ورنہ مختلف طبقاتی مفادات کی وجہ سے تحریک بکھر سکتی ہے اور بورژوا یا پیٹی بورژوا قوتوں کو تحریک کی قیادت کرنے کا موقع مل جائے گا یا فوج کے ذریعے اس آگ کو بجھا دیا جائے گا جو “جنریشن زیڈ” کو سڑکوں پر لائی ہے۔

یہی وجہ ہے کہ خود تنظیمی اور دفاعی کمیٹیاں بنانے کا سوال اتنا اہم ہے جو مزدور طبقے اور کسانوں میں بنیاد رکھتی ہو۔ خاص طور پر فوج کے اقدامات ان کی اہمیت کو واضح کرتے ہیں۔ “آنڈیپنڈٹ مارکسسٹ” کا قدم جس نے ریاستی تشدد کے خلاف مظاہرین کا دفاع کرنے کے لیے “صفال ورکرز اسٹریٹ کمیٹی” قائم کی یہ ثابت کرتی ہے کہ اس کی بنیادیں موجود ہیں۔ ان کے مطالبات حکومتی ارکین کی گرفتاری، ریاست کی غیر مسلح کاری، امیروں کی ملکیت ضبط کرنا، عوام کو مسلح کرنا، پارلیمنٹ کو تحلیل کرنا اور مزدوروں کی اسمبلیوں کے لیے انتخابات ہیں۔

ان مطالبات کو بلاشبہ بڑے زمینداروں کے خلاف اور بے روزگاری کے خلاف جدوجہد جیسے اہم اور فوری مطالبات کے ساتھ جوڑنا ہوگا لیکن یہ یکدم نہیں ہو گا۔ اس مقصد کے لیے لڑنے کے لیے ایک انقلابی مزدور طبقے کی پارٹی بنانا ضروری ہے جو انقلابی مزدوروں، طلباء اور نوجوانوں پر مشتمل ہو اور ایک انقلابی پروگرام کے ساتھ لیس ہو تاکہ سرمایہ داری کا خاتمہ کرکے مزدوروں، فوجیوں اور کسانوں کی کونسلوں پر مبنی مزدوروں اور کسانوں کی حکومت قائم کی جا سکے جس کا دفاع ایک مسلح ملیشیا کرے۔

ایسی حکومت مہنگائی اور غربت کے خلاف ایک ہنگامی پروگرام متعارف کروائے جس کی مالی امداد امیروں، مالیاتی شعبے اور بڑے سرمایہ داروں کی ملکیت ضبط کر کے کی جائے گی تاکہ ایک جمہوری منصوبہ بند معیشت قائم کی جا سکے۔

اپریل 2006 میں کٹھمنڈو میں بغاوت اور موجودہ احتجاج یہ ظاہر کرتا ہے کہ پرولتاریہ کی نسبتا کم تعداد کے حامل ممالک میں بھی شہری آبادی انقلاب کے دوران مرکزی کردار ادا کرسکتی ہے۔ یہ دونوں واضح کرتے ہیں کہ ایک حقیقی سوشلسٹ انقلاب کا امکان موجود ہے اور یہ انقلابیوں کا کام ہے کہ وہ ایک ایسے انقلابی پروگرام کے ذریعے آگے کا راستہ واضح کریں جو بدعنوانی کے خلاف جدوجہد جیسے فوری مطالبات کو ایسے عناصر کے ساتھ جوڑئے جو سوشلزم کی جدوجہد میں اضافہ کرسکتے ہیں جس میں مزدوروں اور کسانوں کا کنٹرول ہو۔ ایسا پروگرام  یہ واضح کرتا کہ حقیقی اور مکمل آزادی صرف بین الاقوامی سطح پر آسکتی ہے۔ ایک ملک میں سوشلزم ممکن نہیں ہے لہذا انقلاب بین الاقوامی مزدور تحریک اور ایک نئی انٹرنیشنل کی تعمیر کے ساتھ ہی ممکن ہے

SOURCE:

https://socialist-resistance.org

Bernie Sanders and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez on stage at the events they are carrying out in the U.S. USA

La Marx International

Huge mass mobilizations have risen in 1000 cities in the United States and hundreds of cities on 5 continents, in rejection of capitalism and the measures taken by the imperialist government of Donald Trump. These measures have further aggravated the global crisis of capitalism because they strengthen the global dynamics and perspective towards stagflation as you can read here. 

At the same time, the political agreements launched by Donald Trump to placate the revolutions that are going through the world also fail: The revolutionary wars continue to develop both the 3rd Intifada surrounded by huge mobilizations in favor of Palestine around the world that face the cowardly bombardments of the Israeli army that no longer dares to enter Gaza by land. The revolution in Yemen continues to pit Israel and NATO against each other, and Ukraine’s revolutionary war against Putin’s invasion of cowardly bombing continues, because Putin’s armies have stalled in the Ukrainian Donbass, held back by the valiant resistance of Ukraine’s national liberation army.

The mobilizations around the world against the U.S. government are part of this global revolutionary process that has been developing its third wave since 2011. In the face of this process of global mobilization, the top leaders of the Progressive International, the Democratic Party senator for Vermont, Bernie Sanders, and the Minister of Finance of Greece under the Syriza government, Yanis Varoufakis, have come out to develop events and demonstrations in which they call on world activism to support “progressive” coalitions. a policy of class collaboration” justified under the claim that there is a “rise of the global far right”

Sanders and Varoufakis do not hold these events to support revolutions, nor revolutionary wars. On the contrary, they raise a pacifist policy with hypocritical calls for “Peace”. And they call for confronting the so-called “Reactionary International”, for the Conservative Political Action Conference that brings together the handful of global right-wing governments such as Trump, Milei, Bukele, Orban or Meloni. What do the leaders of the Progressive International propose to defeat the “oligarchy”? They propose the old reformist strategy of the struggle against capitalism by means of elections and ballot boxes, an “electoralist” policy of obtaining deputies or senators, within the regime of bourgeois democracy.

In the service of this policy, he has convened conferences called “SOCIALISM” in the United States. The U.S. and Great Britain, in which they call for support or join capitalist coalitions, or directly imperialist ones such as the U.S. Democratic Party. or the Labour Party of Great Britain. 99% of the global left, the social democrats, Stalinists, ex-guerrillas, and ex-Trotskyists have joined this policy of the Progressive International and develop it all over the world by adapting the slogans to the reality of their countries or regions where they act. If you want to read about the Progressive International click here.

Bernie Sanders and Ocasio-Cortez Attempt to Deflect Revolution in America

In the United States, Bernie Sanders, together with New York Congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (AOC) of the “progressive” wing of the Democratic Party, are holding rallies across the country under the slogan “Fight the Oligarchy.” In these events, Sanders together with the leader of the Democratic Socialist of America (DSA) group call for a fight for Medicare for all, a Green New Deal, a federal minimum wage of $15 an hour, free college tuition and taxes for the richest Americans, harshly criticizing Trump and the billionaires who run politics in the United States. Who are the “oligarchy” according to Sanders and AOC? They are the “right” embodied by the binomial Donald Trump and Elon Musk, according to the “progressives” the center of the struggle must be against the “right”, all over the world.

In turn, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (AOC) is a leader of the Democratic Socialist of America (DSA), the largest reformist left-wing group in the United States. It acts “inside” the Democratic Party. The mass events are a sign of the advance in the consciousness of the people of the United States with broad sectors that want to confront the oligarchy that governs their country and the entire world,but Sanders and Ocasio Cortez intend to divert and push the people back towards the Democratic Party of the United States. an imperialist party representing the 1% oligarchy of Wall Street, the Pentagon, and the Global Corporations. You cannot fight the oligarchy with a political party that is representative of the oligarchy. It has been just 6 months since the Democratic Party left power and under its mandate thousands of Americans fell into poverty, and workers saw their wages fall as a result of inflation, while the Pentagon provided weapons to bomb and murder thousands of Palestinians in Gaza.

Can you get Medicare for All, better wages by voting for Democratic Party officials as Sanders and AOC claim? Can capitalism grant concessions such as health for all, better wages, or stop attacking nature? The promises of Sanders and AOC are false because capitalism cannot grant concessions in any country in the world, not even in the imperialist countries where there are more profits for the imperialist bourgeoisie because they exploit the workers of the whole world. ` Today capitalism is collapsing and entering a trend towards stagflation, which makes it impossible to make conquests anywhere. Capitalist governments come to the rescue of the Corporations and the oligarchs of the 1%, but they will never come to the rescue of the millions who suffer hunger, poverty and unemployment in the 5 continents. That’s why, when Sanders and AOC come out to promise Medicare for All, wage raises, or improvements in the green economy, they are simply lying.

What the actions of Sanders and AOC seek is to divert the powerful mobilization of the American people against Donald Trump to lead them to the dead end of elections and the ballot box. The movement led by Sanders and AOC aims to divert the powerful mobilization that the American people are carrying out against Donald Trump towards the terrain of bourgeois institutionality and elections. They seek to sustain the regime of bourgeois democracy in order to divert the struggle against capitalism and be contained within the bourgeois regime.

But the American people have begun to turn their backs on bourgeois democracy and the Democratic Party: In the last presidential election, millions did not turn out to vote, and the Democratic Party lost millions of votes, allowing Donald Trump to win the election, even though he lost votes. The break and disappointment of millions with the Democratic Party is part of the worldwide process of political revolution, in which millions around the world break with the old parties and leaderships that were the leadership of the mass movement in the preceding decades. Sanders and AOC seek to recompose the Democratic Party, trying to get a sector of activism to believe in the old imperialist party again in order to get it out of the crisis.

At the service of this strategy, the SOCIALISM 2025 Conference is convened from July 6 to 3 in Chicago, in which “progressive” activists and leaders who support the imperialist Democratic Party, “progressives” and various leftist groups that make up DSA such as Socialist Alternative (SA) of Kshama Sawant, Tempest, Red Star, etc. Bread and Roses, Reform & Revolution, Marxist Unity Group, the Socialist Majority, etc. All these groups betray the American people, calling for support for the Democratic Party. Similar events have been convened in Britain and Australia such as the SOCIALISM 2025 Conference in Britain from 3 to 6 July where Corbyn and Yanis Varoufakis are called as speakers, and the SOCIALISM 2025 event in Australia between 17 and 20 April.

What the “progressives” Sanders and AOC seek to divert them is the revolution that the United States has been experiencing for decades. The revolution has multiple expressions such as the mass mobilizations in the United States. The U.S. is expressing itself with very important struggles that radiate to the whole world such as the struggle against imperialism (with the mobilizations against the war in Iraq, or in favor of Palestine), against Wall Street Corporations (with movements like Occupy Wall Street), against racism (with movements like Black Lives Matter), against the U.S. Corporations (with the mobilizations against the war in Iraq, or in favor of Palestine), against Wall Street Corporations (with movements like Occupy Wall Street), against racism (with movements like Black Lives Matter), against the U.S. Corporations (with movements like Occupy Wall Street), against racism (with movements like Black Lives Matter), against the U.S. Corporations (with the Occupy Wall Street Movement). in favor of women’s rights with the mobilizations or the “Me Too” movement, in favor of oppressed peoples or those suffering aggression (such as the mobilizations in favor of Ukraine), the unionization process or “New Unionism.

Yanis Varoufakis and Jeremy Corbyn try to divert the struggle of European workers

The policy of the leaders of the Progressive International, to divert mobilization and advances in consciousness into the dead-end of the elections, is aimed at preventing by all means the emergence of a radicalized current that tends towards revolutionary Marxism. A global revolutionary situation characterized by the crisis of capitalism and the revolutionary upsurge of the masses in the world will inevitably generate revolutionary tendencies outside the capitalist parties, which will confront the bourgeois democratic regime, and threaten to abolish capitalism. This is what these leaders desperately seek to prevent or divert.

The same is happening in Europe. In Britain, the Labour Party, which took power after 14 years, is facing a deep crisis. Keir Starmer, the current Prime Minister of the imperialist government of Britain, is already hated for his support for Israel and for the attacks on millions of working class people. The “progressive wing” of the Labour Party convened inLondon on 29/3/25 the “We Demand Change” Summit with representatives of towns and cities in Britain and Europe, in an event led by two of the most important leaders of the Progressive International: Jeremy Corbyn of England, former leader of the Labour Party of Great Britain, and Yanis Varoufakis, former finance minister of the Syriza government in Greece.

Jeremy Corbyn at the “We Demand Change” event

Varoufakis now has his own party “European Disobedience Front” and heads theMovement for Democracy in Europe 2025 (DiE25). The”We Demand Change” Summit raised slogans such as “Welfare”, “No War”, “Taxes on the Rich”, for a fairer society for all that seeks to rebuild a “politics of hope” at the “grassroots” level, a whole program similar to the one carried out by Bernie Snaders and AOC in the US. The “We Demand Change” Summit was attended by several personalities and activists from the English and European left such as Steve North, President of the UNISON union, the General Secretary of the National Union of Educators Daniel Kebede, or Sarah Woolley, leader of the Bakers, Food and Allied Workers Union (BFAWU) of England.

The “Summit” “We demand change” discussed the tasks in front of the Labour government, and featured several organizations of the European left such as the current “La France Insoumise” headed by Jean-Luc Mélenchon represented by the deputy Jérôme Legavre. Also organizing the “We Demand Change” Summit were leaders of Britain’s Socialist Workers Party, a group headed by Alex Callínicos and economist Michael Roberts that claims to be Trotskyist. What the Summit proposes is the “fight against the right” of the Reform UK group, omitting the reality that the Labour Party governs Britain. The leaders of the “Demand Change” Summit refuse to call it fighting the imperialist government of Starmer and the Labour Party, because according to them, that would be “playing into the hands of the right” of Nigel Farage, Tommy Robinson and Reform UK.

El llamado de Jeremy Corbyn y Yanis Varoufakis en la Cumbre “Exigimos un cambio” es a luchar “contra la derecha del Partido Laborista” De este modo, Corbyn y Varoufakis hacen un refrito de la vieja estrategia stalinista del “gobierno en disputa” según la cual cuando una coalición “progresista” llega al poder se puede dar una batalla “por dentro” para cambiar el rumbo de la coalición capitalista. Todo esto es un engaño, y la estrategia del “gobierno en disputa” es una traición a los trabajadores y el pueblo de Gran Bretaña y Europa porque un gobierno capitalista siempre defenderá el capitalismo, aunque tenga un lenguaje “progresista”.

Además de los organizadores del SWP inglés, la cumbre “Exigimos un cambio” reunió a organizaciones cercanas o influenciadas por el Partido Socialista, por el stalinista Partido Comunista Británico, por varios ex- laboristas, y al Partido Verde británico, y de la organización reformista People Before Profit. Toda el evento giró en torno a rechazar todas las peticiones de un nuevo partido opuesto al Laborismo, Jeremy Corbyn, Yanis Varoufakis y Andrew Feinstein lanzaron una lista de advertencias y llamados destinados a posponer indefinidamente cualquier forma de ruptura política con el Partido Laborista. En todo caso limitar y confinar a los trabajadores y jóvenes a protestar contra los “excesos” del gobierno.

La misma preocupación que tienen Sanders y AOC en EE.UU, tienen Corbyn y Varoufakis en Europa: Evitar por todos los medios que surja una corriente radicalizada que tienda hacia el marxismo revolucionario. Por ello todo el tiempo plantearon que hablar de un nuevo partido es “prematuro” y es “poner el carro delante de los bueyes”. Para Corbyn los “revolucionarios” deberían formar parte del electorado de un posible nuevo partido reformista. Andrew Feinstein, exdiputado del Congreso Nacional Africano (CNA) argumentó que la formación de un nuevo partido se produciría en un momento indeterminado simplemente mediante el surgimiento de activistas que “saldrían a las calles como nunca antes”.

Along with this movement in Great Britain, in Spain Podemos has presented the candidacy of Ione Belarra, secretary general of the party, with Irene Montero as head of the list in a maneuver that comes after the political relocation that the purple formation has been carrying out since its departure from the Popular Front government of Pedro Sanchez of the Socialist Party and Yolanda Diaz of the Communist Party. Podemos seeks to relocate itself after having been left out of the distribution of ministries of the “progressive” government of Sánchez. Now Belarra, like Montero or Pablo Iglesias, are going to all the media to affirm that “Sumar is in decomposition”, seeking to capitalize on the discontent with the capitalist government of Spain, placing themselves “on the left” to try to absorb the political groups that are disassociating themselves from the coalition led by Yolanda Díaz. In this framework, it is where Podemos is trying to recover electorally.

Discontent is beginning to spread in many sectors, as shown by the massive mobilization for housing that reached many cities in Spain. But Podemos is unsustainable from the workers’ and people’s point of view because it was part of a capitalist and imperialist government, which came to the “rescue” of Spain’s richest bankers when the real estate bubble burst. while thousands of families suffered evictions. The submission to the Regime of ’78, the monarchy established by the Moncloa Pact makes this traitorous European pseudo-left look ridiculous. Podemos is the expression of the policy of the Progressive International in Spain, which also applies to the Popular Front in France, Melénchon’s France Insoumise, the official NPA in France, Die Linke in Germany, etc.

Let’s build a revolutionary alternative

But all attempts by the Progressive International to recompose reformist alternatives will be difficult because the leaders and organizations that make it up are going through a great crisis. The crisis is caused by the world revolutionary upsurge, and the global process of political revolution that is destroying all reformist projects, and all the old leaderships that today are in a deep crisis and retreat. The time has come to end all these reformist projects and build a revolutionary organization.

From La Marx International we call to turn our backs on all these reformist organizations with a very clear message: The time has come to abandon this useless and surrendered left. Many of these comrades want to defeat capitalism and imperialism, butit is not with these reformist currents that we are going to defeat capitalism, fundamentally because it is a left that supports and defends capitalism. On the contrary, the time has come to build a revolutionary force that will put an end to this old, reformist and decomposed left. We call on you to join the project of La Marx International to regroup the revolutionaries who want to take this path, the only serious one to fight for global socialism.

පුද්ගලයෙකු වෙඩි තබා ඝාතනය කිරීම සම්බන්ධයෙන්, පොලිස් විශේෂ කාර්ය බලකායේ, පොලිස් පරික්ෂක දොන් ලක්ෂ්මන් අමරතුංග කොළඹගේට විරුද්ධව බලපිටිය මහේස්ත්‍රාත් උසාවියේ විභාග කිරීමට නියමිතව තිබූ අංක AR 2049 /22 නඩුව විභාග නො කරන බව බලපිටිය මහේස්ත්‍රාත් දෙසැම්බර් 10දා ප්‍රකාශ කළේය.

2022 ඔක්තෝම්බර් 12 වනදා, පොලිස් පරීක්ෂක ලක්ෂ්මන් අමරතුංග විසින් ඉන්දික ප්‍රභාත් හෙවත් ඇඹිලිපිටියේ පොඩි ඉන්දික වෙඩි තබා ඝාතනය කරන ලදී. හෙළිදරව් වී ඇති පරිදි, එදින විශේෂ කාර්ය බලකායේ නිලධාරීහු නාඔටුන්න ආරච්චිගේ පියුමිට ( බිරිය) අයත් කෝට්ටේගොඩ නිවසේ දී ඉන්දික අත්අඩංගුවට ගෙන, එතැන දී ම අමානුෂික ප්‍රහාරයකට ලක්කර “ආයුධ පෙන්වන්නට“ ය යි අහුංගල්ලට ගෙන ගියහ. අත්අඩංගුවට ගැනීම සිදු වන්නේ අහුන්ගල්ලේ RIU සංචාරක හෝටලය ඉදිරිපිටදී පුද්ගලයන් කිහිපදෙනෙකුට වෙඩි තැබුවේ ය යන බොරු චෝදනාව යටතේ ය.

ඉන්දික ප්‍රභාත් යුද හමුදා ඉජිනේරු බලකායේ හිටපු ලාන්ස් කොප්ප්‍රරල්වරයෙකි. ඔහු 2018 ට පෙර මංකොල්ල සිද්ධියකට සම්බන්ධව සැකපිට අත්අඩංගුවට ගෙන රිමාන්ඩ් බන්ධනාගාරගත කර සිට ඇත. මත්ද්‍රව්‍ය ජාවාරම් හෝ මිනීමැරුම් සම්බන්ධයෙන් කිසිදු චෝදනාවක් නැත. ඔහු කිසිදු පාතාල කණ්ඩායමක් සමග සෘජුව සම්බන්ධ වී සිටි බවට හෝ කොන්ත්‍රාත් කළ බවට පොලිස් පොත්වල කිසිදු සටහනක් නොමැත.  අහුන්ගල්ලේ සිදු කලා යැයි කියන ඝාතනවලට වග කිව යුතු පාර්ශව ඒ වන විටත් පොලිසිය දැන සිටියේ ය. එමෙන් ම ඔහුට එම ඝාතනවලට සම්බන්ධ පාතල කල්ලිවලින් තර්ජන එල්ල වී ඇත. අදාළ පාතාල කල්ලි පොලිසියේ සහයෝගය ලබන බව රහසක් නො වේ. මේ නිසා ඉන්දික මරා දමන ලද්දේ එම කල්ලියක කොන්ත්‍රාත්තුවක් අනුව ය යන සැකයට සාධාරණ හේතු තිබේ.

අහුංගල්ලේ දී ආයුධ සොයන්නට යයි ගෙන ගොස් අත්වල ඇගිල කඩා, දනහිස්වලට පොලුවලින් පහර දී වද දීමෙන් පසු ඉන්දික ඝාතනය කරනු ලැබ තිබිනි. ඔහුගේ මෘත ශරීරයේ අත්වල ඇගිලි කිහිපයක් ම හැලී තිබෙන අයුරු දක්නට ලැබිනි.

පොලිස් පරීක්ෂක කොළඹගේ සුපුරුදු ලෙස, උසාවියේ දී කියා සිටියේ අත්අඩංගුවේ සිටි පුද්ගලයා සගවා තිබූ ආයුධයකින් තමන්ට වෙඩි තැබීමට උත්සාහ කල නිසා ආත්මාරක්ෂාව උදෙසා වෙඩි තැබූ බව ය. නමුත්, මරණ පරික්ෂණ වාර්තාව සහ ඉදිරිපත් වූ අනෙකුත් සාක්ෂි අනුව මෙය චේතාන්විතව සිදු කළ මරණයක් බව බලපිටිය මහේස්ත්‍රාත්වරයා තින්දු කළේ ය.

ඒ අනුව ඔහු, පොලිස් පරික්ෂක කොළඹගේ අත්අඩංගුවට ගෙන අධිකරණයට ඉදිරිපත් කරන්නැයි ගාල්ල ජ්‍යෙෂ්ඨ පොලිස් අධිකාරී ඇල්පිටියට 2024 ජුලි 09 වන දා නියෝග කළේ ය. මෙම නියෝගය පොලිස් අධිකාරී විසින් ක්‍රියාත්මක කරනු ලැබුවේ නැත. නඩු වාර කිහිපයක දී ම විත්තිකරු ඉදිරිපත් කරන ලෙස මහේස්ත්‍රාත්වරයා කළ නියෝගය පලක් නො වී ය.

මේ අතර, කේ .ඒ. මහේෂ් ඉන්දික ප්‍රභාත් හෙවත් මරණකරුගේ නඩුව තවදුරටත් ඉදිරියට ගෙන ය‍ෑමට අවශ්‍ය නැති හෙයින්, එම නඩුව වසා තබන්නැයි නීතිපතිවරයා විසින් බලපිටිය මහේස්ත්‍රාත්වරයාට ලිඛිතව දැනුම් දී තිබිනි. එම ඉල්ලීම ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කළ බලපිටිය මහේස්ත්‍රාත් ආර්. ඩී ජානක පෙරේරා, නොවැම්බර් 10 වනදා පැවති නඩු වාරයේ දී, නඩුව නැවත දෙසැම්බර් 10 විභායට ගන්නා බවත් එදිනට චූදිත නිලධාරියා උසාවියට ඉදිරිපත් කළ යුතු බවත් දැනුම් දුන්නේ ය.

නමුත් දෙසැම්බර් 10 දින නඩු වාරය වන විට මහේස්ත්‍රාත්වරයා අදහස වෙනස් කර ගෙන තිබිණි. නීතිපතිවරයාගේ නියෝග අභියෝගයට ලක් කර ආරවුල් ඇති කර ගැනීමට තමාට කිසිදු උවමනාවක් නැති නිසා නඩුව විභාගයට නො ගෙන අවසන් කිරීමට තිරණය කළ බවත් අගතියට පත් පාර්ශවයට යුක්තිය ඉෂ්ට කර ගැනීමට අවශ්‍ය නම් ඉහල අධිකරණයට යා හැකි බවත් මහේස්ත්‍රාත්වරයා විවෘත අධිකරණය හමුවේ පැවසී ය. මාස 5ක් තිස්සේ අධිකරණ නියෝගය ක්‍රියාත්මක නො කල පොලිසිය සම්බන්ධයෙන් අධිකරණයට ගත හැකි පියවරක්ද නො වී ය. අධිකරණය තව දුරටත් පෙර පැවති සාපේක්ෂ ස්වාධීනත්වය පවා නැත. එය යුක්තිය ඉටු කරන ආයතනයක් ලෙස පවතීන්නේ ය යන්න මිත්‍යාවකි.

ජාතික ජන බලවේග ආන්ඩුවේ නීතිපති, මිනීමැරුමක් සම්බන්ධ කාරනයක දී, චූදිතයා තමන් එම ඝාතනය කළ බව පිළිගෙන තිබිය දී පවා, සාක්ෂි නැතැයි කලින් ම තීන්දු කර නඩුව විභාග කිරීම වලක්වයි.

පොලිස් විශේෂ කාර්ය බලකායට එරෙහිව පුද්ගලයන් පැහැරගෙන ගොස් මරා දැමිම්, අතුරුදන් කිරීම් සහ අත්අඩංගුවට ගෙන වධ හිංසා පැමිණවීම් සම්බන්ධයෙන් නඩු 17 ක් විභාග වෙමින් පවති. මෙසේ පැහැරගෙන ගොස් වෙඩි තබා ඝාතනය කළ පුද්ගලයින් අතරින් සහ වධහිංසා පුමුනු වන ලද පුද්ගලයින් වෙනුවෙන් නඩු පවරා ඇත්තේ ඉතාමත් සුළු පිරිසක් පමණි. වැඩි දෙනෙක් විශේෂ කාර්ය බලකාය සමග නඩු කීමෙන් ජිවත්ව සිටින අයටත් අනර්ථයක් වීමේ අනතුර හා වියදම් දැරීමට නොහැකි නිසා අසරනව සිටිති. ඉන්දික ප්‍රභාත් සිද්ධිය ඊට එක් සාක්ෂියක් පමණි.

ඉන්දික ප්‍රභාත් අත්අඩංගුවට ගැනීමේ මෙහෙයුමට පොලිස් විශේෂ කාර්ය බලකායේ අණ දෙන ප්‍රධානී නියෝජ්‍ය පොලිස්පති හා නීතිඥ වරුණ ජයන්සුන්දර පැමි‍ණ සිටි බව සිය සාක්ෂියේ දී පියුමි ප්‍රකාශ කළා ය. පොලිසියේ ප්‍රතිචාරය වූයේ, කොළඹ අපරාධ පරික්ෂණ දෙපාර්මේන්තුවේ සමුහ මංකොල්ලය අංශය, ජයසුන්දරට එරෙහිව බොරු සාක්කි දුන්නා යැයි, 2024 සැප්තැම්බර් 03 වනදා පාන්දර ඇයගේ කෝට්ටේගොඩ නිවසට කඩා වැදි ඇය අත්අඩංගුට ගැනීම ය. ඇයට මරන තර්ජන එල්ල වුනි .වින්දිතයන් ආරක්ෂා කිරීමේ ජාතික අධිකාරීය මගින් පියුමිට සැපයු ආරක්ෂාව බලපිටිය මහේස්ත්‍රාත්වරයා නඩුව වසා දැමීමත් සමග ඉවත් කර ගැනීමට යන බව වාර්තාවේ.

ජාජබ ආන්ඩුව බලයට එමට පෙර හිටපු ජනාධිපති රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහගේ ආන්ඩුව යටතේ නීතිපතිවරයා මහර බන්ධනාගාර නඩුව වසා තබන්නැයි වැලිසර මහේස්ත්‍රාත් ධම්මික උඩුවවිදානට නියෝග කළේය. කොවිඩ් වසංගත මුල් කර ගෙන මහර බන්ධනාගාරයේ ඇති නොසන්සුන්තාවය පාලනය කිරීමේ මුවවෙන් සිරකරුවන් 11 ට හිසට සහ පපුවට වෙඩි තබා ඝාතනය කරන ලදී. එම අපරාධය සිද්ධ කළ වුන් අත්අඩංගුවට ගන්නැයි මහේස්ත්‍රාත්වරයා නියෝග කර තිබියදී නීතිපතිවරය එම නඩු වසා දමන්නැයි නියෝග කර ඇත.

අන්තර්ජාලයෙන් උපුටා ගත්තකි.

කො‍ළඹ වැලිකඩ බන්ධනාගාරයේ සිරකරුවන් සහ රැදවියන් ඇතුළු 27 දෙනෙකු 2012 නොවැම්බර් 10 වනදා වෙඩි තබා ඝාතනය කරන ලදී. එම අපරාධය සම්බන්ධයෙන් හිටපු බන්ධනාගාර කොමසාරිස් රංජන් ළමා හේවාට දඩුවම් කළ ද පසුව ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය මගින් ඔහුව නිදොස් කොට නිදහස් කළේය. වැලිකඩ සමුහ ඝාතනය සහ සිරකරුවන් පිරිසකට තුවාල සිදු කිරීම සම්බන්ධයෙන් මේවන තෙක් කිසිවෙකු අත්අඩංගුවට ගෙන නැති අතර අපරාධකරුවන් නොමැති සමුහ ඝාතනයකි.

මෙම ජායා රූපය අන්තර්ජාලයෙන් උපුටා ගත්තකි.

ගම්පහ වැලිවේරියේ රතු පස්වල මහජනයා පිරිසිදු ජලය ඉල්ලා 2013 අගෝස්තු 10 වනදා පැවති උද්ඝෝෂණයට හමුදාවෙන් වෙඩි තබා උද්ඝෝෂකයන් තිදෙනෙකු මරා දැමු අතර හතලිස් පස්දෙනෙකුට (45) දෙනෙකුට බරපතළ තුවාල සිදු කෙරිණි. එම නඩුව විමර්ශකයින්ගේ දෝෂ සම්බන්ධයෙන් අධිකරණයට මැදිහත් වීමට හැකියාවක් නැති නිසා විත්තිකරුවන් වන යුද හමුදා මේජර් ජනරාල්වරයා සහ හමුදා සෙබළුන් තිදෙනා සියලුම චෝදනා වලින් නිදහස් කොට නිදහස් කරන බව ගම්පහ මහාධිකරණ විනිසුරු මඩුල්ල තීන්දු ප්‍රකාශයට පත් කරමින් පැවසුහ.

මෙම ජායා රූපය අන්තරජාලයෙන් ලබා ගත්තකි.

රතුපස් වල පිරිසිදු ජලය ඉල්ලා හේලිස් කොම්පැණිකාරයට එරෙහිව සටන් වැදුණු මහජනයාට ගිනි බිද තිදෙනෙකු මරා දමා හතලිස් පස්දනෙකුට තුවාල සිදු කර ඇතත්, අපරාධරකරුවන් නැත.

ජාජබ ආ‍ණ්ඩුව වික්‍රමසිංහ පිළිවෙතේ යමින් ඉන්දික ප්‍රභාත්ගේ නඩුව වසා දැමුණි.

ජාජබ ආණ්ඩුව නීතිය සැමට සාධාරණව ක්‍රියාත්මක කරන බවට පුනා පුනා ප්‍රකාශ කිරීම නරුම වංචාවකි. මින් පෙර එවන් සමානත්වයක් නොපැවතුනා මෙන්ම ජාජබයට සිදුව ඇත්තේ සෑම අතින්ම අසමානතාවය තීව්‍ර කිරීමය. එය දැනටමත් මහජනයා අනාරක්ෂිතභාවයට ඇද දමමින් පොලිස් මර්දනයේ යන්ත්‍රණය ශක්තිමත් කිරීමට පියවර ගනිමින් සිටි.

ආරක්ෂක අංශ ප්‍රධානීහු, ජාතික ජන බලවේග ආණඩුව බලයට පත් විමෙන් අනතුරුව පැවති ජාතික ආරක්ෂක මණ්ඩලය රැස්විමේ දී, පොලිස් විශේෂ කාර්ය බලකායට එරෙහි ව පවරා ඇති නඩු ඉවත් කර දෙන්නැයි ජනාධිපති අනුර දිසානායකගෙන් ඉල්ලා සිටියහ. දිසානයක මේ පිළිබද සොයා බලා අවශ්‍ය පියවර ගන්නැයි නීතිපති පාලින්ද රණසිංහට උපදෙස් දුන්නේ ය. නීතිපති, ඉන්දික ප්‍රභාත්ගේ නඩුව වසා තබන්නැයි බලපිටිය මහේස්ත්‍රාත්ට නියෝග කළේ පසු දා ය.

ජාජබ ආණ්ඩුවේ මෙම පිළිවෙත පාලක පන්තියේ පැවැත්මේ අනිවාර්ය කොන්දේසි තුලින් ගලා අවුත් ඇත. එසේ වන්නේ, ආන්ඩුවට කිසිදු මහජන අවශ්‍යතාවක් ඉටු කිරීමේ කුමන හෝ වැඩ පිලිවෙලක් ඉදිරිපත් කල නො හැකි බැවිනි. ඒ වෙනුවට ධනපති පන්තියේ පැවැත්ම ආරක්ෂා කිරීම සදහා අධිරාජ්‍යවාදී සැලසුම්වලට සමස්ථ කම්කරු පන්තිය හා පීඩිතයින් යටත් කිරීම එය භාරගෙන ඇති වගකීමය.

ජාජබය සිය පක්ෂය ගොඩ නැගීමේ දී පොලිසියේ හා හමුදාවේ විශ්‍රාමික ප්‍රධානීන් සහ ඒ සමග ම ආරක්ෂක අංශයේ සැලකිය යුතු කන්ඩායමක් සමග මධ්‍යම පන්තියේ දක්ෂිනාංශික ව්‍යාපාරයක් පෙල ගස්වා ගත්තේ මෙම වග කීම කිරීමේ පරම චේතනාවෙනි. එහි අරමුන රට ගොඩ නැගීම හෙවත් ධනේශ්වර රාජ්‍ය කම්කරු පන්තියේ හා පීඩිත ජනතාවගේ අභියෝගයෙන් බේරා ගැනීම ය.

මෙම තතු තුල ආරක්ෂක නියෝජ්‍ය අමත්‍යවරයා ලෙස මේජර ජෙනරාල් ( විශ්‍රාමික) අරුණ ජයසේකර,. මහජන ආරක්ෂක ලේකම්වරයා ලෙස හිටපු නියෝජ්‍ය පොලිස්පති රවී සේනවිරත්න වැන්නන් පත් කර ගැනීම සාමාන්‍ය තත්වයක් නො වේ.

ආන්ඩුවත් මහජනතාවත් මුහුන දී සිටින්නේ යල් පැන ගිය සමාජ ක්‍රමය පිළිබද ප්‍රශ්නයට ය. පාලක පන්තිය ඕනෑම විනාශයක් මගින් පන්ති පාලනය රැක ගැනීමට සූදානම් ය. එය පැරණි සහයෝගිතා දේශපාලනයට සමු දී ඇත. මේ

යටතේ කම්කරුවන්ට ගොවීන්ට හා තරුනයන්ට ධනපති රාජ්‍ය ආතනවලින් හෝ ඒවායේ නීතිවලින් ආරක්ෂාවක් නැති බව අවධාරනය කර ගත යුතු ය. ඒ වෙනුවට රාජ්‍ය ආරක්ෂක ආයතන පීඩිත මහජනතාව මත ක්ෂමා විරහිතව කඩා පැනීම නො නැවතී උත්සන්න වනු ඇත. තමන්ගේ ම සුපරික්ෂාකාරී කමිටු හා ආරක්ෂක කමිටු පීඩිත ජනතාවගේ අවශ්‍යතාවක් වන්නේ මෙම කොන්දේසි තුළය. ඒ සදහා කම්කරු ක්‍රියාකාරී කමිටු තුල සංවිධානය වීම අත්‍යවශ්‍යය ය.

source by www.lankaskynews.com

Speakers will include historian Benny Morris, lawyer ⁠Eli Salzberger and Salam Fayyad (Former Palestine Authority Prime Minister and long-standing International Monetary Fund economist), and other moderate voices. Also on the programme are Cameroonian social theorist Achille Mbembe and ⁠post-Marxist French philosopher Etienne Balibar.

Why it’s a problem:

South Africa’s Constitution Hill in central Johannesburg was chosen as a destination to lend the event credibility, given the country’s defeat of Apartheid and its government’s role in calling out genocide at teh International Court of Justice.

The goal of the event is to disguise the overwhelming oppressin of Palestinians by weaving new narratives about “the conflict”. As Israel prepares for a full takeover of Palestinian territories, a formal narrative to appease the international community is needed to soften the edges of the genocide.

The event will apparently be live-streamed by CNN and by a major South African broadcaster, eNCA (owned by a firm, HCI, whose leader is a strong critic of government’s pro-Palestine bias). The event also doubles up as a networking opportunity for billionaires, ambassadors, intellectuals and policymakers, offering one-on-one meetings.

Website and Facebook page:

Original concept note (May 2024)

By: New South Institute (NSI)

Narrative Conditions Towards Peace in the Middle East 

An African Global Dialogue

Background

Since the physical assault on Israel on the 7th of October and the subsequent Israeli war with Hamas in Gaza, the public discourse on Israel/Palestine has radicalised in crude and violent ways. The protracted occupation of the West Bank has come to resemble an annexation, calling into question the conditions for a just resolution of the conflict. Right-wing extremism and messianism in Israel, moreover, threatens the fabric of democracy, the rule of law, and puts Israel in existential danger.  At the same time, many Israelis, including those who are deeply critical of the current Israeli government, find difficulty being heard in the public domain unless they are willing to reject the right of the Jewish state to exist at all. Palestinian politics, especially since the rise of Hamas, entertains fascist strategies and messianic fantasies. The atrocities committed by Hamas are symptomatic of a profound malaise. What has been lost on all sides is an appreciation of nuance and complexity and, in turn, the search for constructive ways out of the current dead-end.

Informed by the idea that political narratives, especially about history, concepts, friends and enemies, matter, we seek critically to engage current political framings, with a view to opening a discursive space about Israel/Palestine and the region that is conducive to more positive engagement. In South Africa, the term that framed parts of the anti-Apartheid struggle and that provided the ideological ground for the negotiated settlement was the simple: “South Africa belongs to all who live in it’ from the 1955 Freedom Charter. Are there formulations that are specific to the Israel-Palestine conflict that might take seriously a commitment to freedom and dignity for Palestinians and Israelis?

As the war continues, with increasingly catastrophic consequences for Palestinian civilians and growing danger for the hostages held by Hamas, so does the polarisation of the public discourse – which only hinders attempts to break out of the zero-sum logic of conflict and destruction, and the increasingly wide gulf between friend and enemy.    

Objectives

To create a space for conversation, thought and reflection,  we are arranging a conference in South Africa with the following objectives:

·       To interrupt extreme and exclusionary narratives about Israel/Palestine which are becoming entrenched in South Africa and globally

·       To validate and encourage conversations – a robust but respectful exchange of diverse views and perspectives about the conflict, including those of Israelis and Jews

·       To explore constructive and inclusive paths forward that promote peace and security, and the freedom and dignity of Israelis and Palestinians 

Approach

To further these objectives, we will bring together prominent and influential people from across the world, including scholars and political and civil society leaders, for a series of thoughtful and sometimes difficult conversations.

In the spirit of seeking narrative conditions for freedom and dignity, we will host dialogues on understanding the current global disorder, the war in Gaza and International Humanitarian Law, Gender, War and Feminism, Apartheid and settler colonialism, Zionisms, Messianism and Post-Zionism,  Developments in Palestinian politics and on paths to peace.

Through hosting these conversations in Johannesburg, we intend to make use of South Africa’s current international profile in relation to the situation in Gaza, the references to South Africa in current political discourses (use of the Apartheid metaphor to describe Israel, for example), as well as the relative success of the negotiated settlement in the 1990’s. 

·       In September 2024, we will bring together to Johannesburg some of the leading scholars on the Middle East, key figures involved in various peace initiatives, thought leaders and outstanding journalists to reflect, and safely debate difficult and contested issues. We will provide opportunities via radio and TV and live, face-to-face events, for people to speak directly with those involved, to ask questions, and to share ideas.

·       Closed sessions will be used to introduce journalists, public personalities and thought leaders (influencers) to experts to discuss and debate controversial issues or even just to learn more about the details of historical and current events. We will make a special effort to attract media and influencers from across Africa and the New South.

When: 18-20 September 2024

Where: Constitutional Hill, Johannesburg, South Africa

Hosting the event in the space of the Constitutional Court carries a special resonance in the face of the ICJ case. It invokes a place where different views are powerfully yet peacefully argued and resolved. It also serves to remind participants and observers of South Africa’s negotiated, democratic settlement. While parts of the court are public, we will use interior rooms and studios where access will be carefully secured.

Format: In person sessions with experts in moderated discussions, convened by a high profile personality; not an academic format. Small, invited audiences for each session, consisting of thought leaders and journalists from South Africa, other parts of Africa and the New South. All sessions broadcast online and publicly, with opportunities for people to phone in and/ to send questions.

Private meetings between stakeholders.

Reference Group: The African Global Dialogues is coordinated through a reference group, including Prof Ivor Chipkin (Director, NSI), Rabbi Gideon Pogrund, Dr Maxine Jaffit, Mr Derek Spitz (Barrister, London), Dr Tali Nates (Johannesburg Holocaust and Genocide Centre) Dr David Fine (McKinsey), Judge David Unterhalter (Justice of the High Court, South Africa), and Prof Jelena Vidojević (NSI).

Speakers:

Panellists:

Achille Mbembe (WISER)

Adebayo Olukoshi (WITS)

Ahmed Fouad Alkhatib (Atlantic Council)

Ayşe Zarakol (University of Cambridge)

Benny Morris (Ben Gurion University)

Chile Eboe-Osuji (The Former President of the International Criminal Court)

Colin Shindler (University of Cambridge)

David Hirsch (Goldsmiths)

Eli Salzberger

Etienne Balibar (Philosopher)

Eugene Rogan (Oxford University)

Fania Oz-Salzberger (University of Haifa)

Frances Raday (The Hebrew University of Jerusalem) 

Hadil Al-Ashwal (MENA Gender Equality Initiative)

Ivor Chipkin (New South Institute)

Jie-Hyun Lim (Sogang University)

Marco Sassòli (University of Geneva)

Miloš Hrnjaz (University of Belgrade)

Mira Erlich-Ginor (Psychoanalyst)

Radmila Nakarada (New South Institute)

Salam Fayyad (Former Prime Minister, PA)

Yuval Shany (The Hebrew University of Jerusalem)

Moderators:

Ayşe Zarakol (University of Cambridge)

Colin Shindler (University of Cambridge)

Eli Salzberger

Ivor Chipkin (New South Institute)

Mira Erlich-Ginor (Psychoanalyst)

Program:

Day 1:

Opening by Ivor Chipkin (16.00 PM)

Constitutional Hill Tour (16.15 PM)

Panel Session 1: Understanding global (dis)order (17.00 PM)

Moderator: Ivor Chipkin

Panellists: Ayşe Zarakol, Etienne Balibar, Adebayo Olukoshi

Day 2:

Panel Session 2: Revisiting the past: apartheid and settler colonialism (9.30 AM)

Moderator: Ayşe Zarakol

Panellists: Benny Morris, Eugene Rogan, Ivor Chipkin, Achille Mbembe

Break (11.00 AM)

Panel Session 3: Zionism and post-Zionism in Israel and the Palestinian politics (11.15 AM)

Moderator: Colin Shindler

Panellists: Fania Oz-Salzberger, Salam Fayyad, Ahmed Fouad Alkhatib, David Hirsch

Lunch (12.45 PM)

Panel Session 4: Shattered humanity: cruelty and dehumanisation in conflict zones

Moderator: Mira Erlich-Ginor

Panellists: Frances Raday, Hadil Al-Ashwal, Radmila Nakarada, Jie-Hyun Lim

Break (15.30 PM)

Panel Session 5: The war in Gaza and International Humanitarian Law (15.45 PM)

Moderator: Eli Salzberger

Panellists: Miloš Hrnjaz, Yuval Shany, Marco Sassòli, Chile Eboe-Osuji

Day 3:

09.30 – 11.30 Panel session 6: The South African Government of National Unity: reimagining South Africa’s role in the time of multipolarity (to be confirmed)

Other potential guests (not confirmed)

Academics and public intellectuals

1. Elizabeth Sidiropolous

2. Philani Mthembu

3. Andries Du Toit 

4. Alan Hirsch

5. Adam Mendelsohn

6. Gideon Pogrund

7. Zeblon Vilakazi 

8. Edgar Pieterse 

9. Morris Mthombeni 

10. Imraan Valodia

11. Sakhela Buhlungu

12. Saths Cooper

13. Wim de Villiers

14. Mpilo Cele

15. Ray Hartley

16. Greg Mills

17. Palesa Morudu 

18. Mukoni Ratshitanga

19. Dennis Davis

20. David Unterhalter

21. Martha Ngoye

22. Viv Anstey

23. Barbara Buntman

24. Shmuel Erlich

25. Frans Cronje

26. Phumi Mashego

27. Rina Brumberg

28. Kelly Phelps

29. Glynis Breytenbach

Government

1. Kuben Naidoo

2. Welcome Siphamandla ZONDI

3. Yacoob Abba Omar

4. Lebohang Liepollo PHEKO

5. Nikiwe Bikitsha

Ambassadors

1. HE Ms M B Monze

2. Reuben E. Brigety

3. HE Mr A Peschke

4. M C Ukason

5. HE Mr M K Abdu

6. Hachem El Moummy

7. African Union-

8. HE Mr V K Nghiwete

9. Goran Gvozdenovic

10. HE Mr Ilya Igorevich Rogachev

Business

1. Stephan Malherbe

2. Mcebisi Jonas

3. Adrian Enthoven

4. Sim Tshabalala 

5. Martin Kingston

6. Jonathan Proctor

7. Mary Vilakazi

8. Lisa Klein

Media (local and international)

1. Ferial Haffajee

2. Adriaan Basson

3. Jacana Media

4. Xoli Mngambi

5. Aldrin Sampear

6. Naledi Moleo

7. Heidi Giokos

8. Thembekile Mrototo

9. Carol Paton

10. Hilary Joffe

11. Tim Cohen

12. Branko Brkic

13. Peta Krost

14. Peter Fabricius

15. Karyn Maughan

16. Nomsa Maseko

17. Fabienne Pompey

18. David McKenzie

19. Rachel Savage

20. Fahmida Miller

Civil society

1. Mandla Nkomfe

2. Tali Nates

3. David Lewis 

ConHill Trustees

Robbie Brozin

Others

1. Rumbidzai Masango

2. Carly Maisel

3. Lisa Kropman

4. Le Roux van der Westhuizen

5. Clive Kabatznik

6. Barbara Kabatznik

7. Maxine Jaffit

8. David Jaffit

9.  Lawrence Jackson

10. Raoul Miller

11. Larry Welcher

12. Philip Kirsh

13. Wendy Appelbaum

14. Hylton Appelbaum

15. Lord Peter Hain

16. Ismail Momoniat

17. Claude Braud

18. Gareth Cliff

Panellists

1. Ayşe Zarakol

2. Adebayo Olukoshi

3. Pankaj Mishra

4. William Gumede

5. Benny Morris

6. Eugene Rogan

7. Achille Mbembe

8. Fania Oz-Salzberger

9. Ahmed Fouad Alkhatib

10. David Hirsch

11. Mira Erlich-Ginor

12. Hadil Al-Ashwal

13. Miloš Hrnjaz

14. Chile Eboe-Osuji

15. Marco Sassòli

16. Ronald Lamola

17. Emma Powell

18. Gayton McKenzie

19. Songezo Zibi

20. Mmusi Maimane

21. Nicole Fritz

22. Eli Salzberger

Staffs

1. Ivor Chipkin

2. Jelena Vidojevic

3. Delani Majola

4. Revati Baboolal

5. Bridget van Oerle

6. Alison Solomon

Speaker Notes (by Ivor Chipkin)

Dear participants,

I have developed some questions for discussion in your respective panels. As I mentioned in the invitation, this is not a traditional conference where you are asked to present a paper. Nonetheless, it will be helpful for the convenors to have a good idea of what your perspective is on the topic. In this regard, I ask you please to develop a short memorandum, which can be shared with the convenor and with other participants. It will help the convenor generate a meaningful discussion. We might later ask you to develop it into a fuller paper for publication in a special edition or a book. The memo should not be longer than 3-4 pages.

The purpose of the event is to move discussion in South Africa and further afield away from the Hollywood-like caricatures that reduces the conflict to Nazi Zionists oppressing Palestinians or Fanatical Islamist/Arabs resisting the only democracy in the Middle East. We are not looking for nuance or complexity for its own sake – though this is valuable too – but because these binaries reduce each party to one-dimensional figures and foreclose on opportunities for political mutual recognition, whatever the ultimate form is.

Without suggesting that South Africa’s history or experience is a model for the situation in Israel/Palestine – my own view is that they are very different situations – there is an aspect of the South African experience that is, nonetheless, significant. Discursively and politically, the liberation movement in South Africa and the Nationalist Party did not commit atrocities against each other as a matter of will. Atrocities did happen, especially during the political transition and the civil war that broke out in some parts of the country, but atrocities were the exception.

Atrocities, as Etienne Balibar has argued, are not consequences simply of individual malice or deviance. They are rooted in political ideologies that dehumanise the opponents. In Israel/Palestine atrocity has become the norm of politics. It suggests, a deep malaise in political tendencies in Israel and amongst Palestinians. This fundamental crisis of humanism must be addressed as a condition for meaningful engagement in the region. Interrupting and ending the cycle of atrocities in Israel/Palestine is thus a bold, subversive, and radical endeavour.

This event is the beginning, hopefully, of ongoing discussions.

We would like to bring attention to the event and encourage a global audience to participate online. If you are comfortable, would you mind sharing some promotional material for the event, including the link to the www.africanglobaldialogue.org website in your networks?

Below are some questions for each panel:

·       Understanding the Global (dis)order.

What political narratives are at work in the world today, especially in the context of the war in Russia/Ukraine and in the Middle East? What political concepts do they draw on? How do they imagine their opponents or enemies? How do they imagine a settlement or the conditions of peace? Other than destruction, how do they accommodate their enemies?

·       Revisiting the Past: apartheid and settler colonialism.

The framing of Israel as a settler colonial power resembling more and more an Apartheid state is a recurrent feature of ‘anti-Zionist’ politics. It is also a theme of much academic writing. What is meant by these terms in the context of Israel? What is their provenance? Do they accurately speak to the historical and political record? Are there alternatives perspectives? Are these terms necessarily associated with determinate political outcomes?

·       Zionism and Post-Zionism in Israel and the Palestinian politics.

How important is Zionism in the self-identity of Israeli political actors? What are the dominant expressions of Zionism in Israel today and how have they changed over time? Is Israel a “Zionist entity”? How have different Israeli governments imagined Palestinians and their place in the region? What are the dominant tendencies in contemporary Palestinian politics (and resistance)? How do they conceive of Israelis and of Jews?

·       Shattered humanity: cruelty and dehumanisation in conflict zones.

The Israeli/Palestinian conflict has been one of the longest ongoing conflicts in the world. How has the nature of this conflict changed over the past few decades? Has it become more brutal over time, and what impact might this have for a political settlement in the region? What lessons can be drawn from similar conflicts in other regions or historical periods? Additionally, what will it take politically to address the legacy of multigenerational trauma on both sides?

·       War in Gaza and International Humanitarian law.

What is international (humanitarian) law for? Is international law part of the solution to the conflict in Israel/Palestine or is it an obstacle? Is the Genocide convention the best legal perspective on the war in Gaza? What is the jurisprudence on non-state actors in “international” conflicts? How does international law regulate or how should it regulate asymmetrical conflicts between state and non-state actors

Promotional brochure:

Narrative Conditions Towards Peace in the Middle East

An African Global Dialogue

New South Institute

1. African Global Dialogues

The African Global Dialogues is an initiative of the New South Institute, a South African think tank that focuses on strengthening and building democracy in places struggling with the legacy of colonialism, military dictatorship, and authoritarian rule. NSI works across the African continent, as well as in South America and in Eastern Europe. Our work is focused on the practical tasks of institution-building as a condition of democracy.

2. The War in Gaza

Since the physical assault on Israel on the 7th of October and the subsequent Israeli war with Hamas in Gaza, the public discourse on Israel/Palestine has radicalised in crude and violent ways. The protracted occupation of the West Bank has come to resemble an annexation, calling into question the conditions for a just resolution of the conflict. Right-wing extremism and messianism in Israel, moreover, threatens the fabric of democracy, the rule of law, and puts Israel in existential danger. At the same time, many Israelis, including those who are deeply critical of the current Israeli government, find difficulty being heard in the public domain unless they are willing to reject the right of the Jewish state to exist at all. Palestinian politics, especially since the rise of Hamas, entertains fascist strategies and messianic fantasies. The atrocities committed by Hamas are symptomatic of a profound malaise. What has been lost on all sides is an appreciation of nuance and complexity and, in turn, the search for constructive ways out of the current dead-end.

Informed by the idea that political narratives, especially about history, concepts, friends and enemies, matter, we seek critically to engage current political framings, with a view to opening a discursive space about Israel/Palestine and the region that is conducive to more positive engagement.

As the war continues, with increasingly catastrophic consequences for Palestinian civilians and growing danger for the hostages held by Hamas, so does the polarisation of the public discourse – which only hinders attempts to break out of the zero-sum logic of conflict and destruction, and the increasingly wide gulf between friend and enemy.   

Struggles about how to describe and define Israel as a political community, on the one hand, and about the character of Palestinian politics today and the meaning of Hamas, in particular, on the other, have major consequences for how, firstly, we think about the ‘situation’ in the Israel/Palestine – indeed, what is it? (a struggle between two national movements or settler colonialism/ racism?) – and the concrete conditions for what might be called a more “civil” conflict; that is, one without cruelty and dehumanizing violence and one that ultimately opens up the possibility of a meaningful, peaceful settlement. As much as this calls for the right kind of courageous leaders (a Sadat or a Rabin), it also requires humanising political discourses rooted in fact and in empathy. What are the elements of such a narrative?

This is an urgent question, both for mitigating the violence in Gaza and the West Bank, for preventing a regional escalation, and potentially even a wider war, not to mention creating the conditions for a sustainable settlement. It seems to us that current ideological framings cannot do this work.

Posing such questions in and from South Africa is not just topical and likely to generate global attention. It is also an opportunity to host a new, and potentially unprecedented kind of conversation; one hosted in the global South by an organization from the Global South. This event seeks to (re)insert South Africa and the global South more broadly in constructive discussions about the conditions of peace in the Middle East. 

3. Logistics

When: 18-20 September 2024

Where: Constitutional Hill, Johannesburg, South Africa

Hosting the event in the space of the constitutional court carries a special resonance in the face of the ICJ case. It invokes a place where different views are sharply yet peacefully argued and resolved. It also serves to remind participants and observers of South Africa’s negotiated, democratic settlement. While parts of the court are public, we will use interior rooms and studios where access will be carefully secured.

Format: This is not a traditional, academic conference where participants deliver papers. Instead, skilled moderators will bring experts into conversation with each other. There will be small, invited audiences for each session, consisting of thought leaders and journalists from South Africa, other parts of Africa and the New South. All sessions broadcast online and publicly, with opportunities for people to phone in and/ to send questions.