International – Asia Commune https://asiacommune.org Equality & Solidarity Thu, 12 Dec 2024 15:36:56 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=6.8.1 https://asiacommune.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/cropped-New_Logo_02-32x32.png International – Asia Commune https://asiacommune.org 32 32 Un Año De Milei, Revolución En Siria y La Falta De Dirección De La Clase Obrera. https://asiacommune.org/2024/12/12/un-ano-de-milei-revolucion-en-siria-y-la-falta-de-direccion-de-la-clase-obrera/ Thu, 12 Dec 2024 15:36:52 +0000 https://asiacommune.org/?p=8338

En su última columna del año , Daniel Campos dio un pantallazo general de los temas más candentes de lo que está sucediendo políticamente en el mundo. El balance del primer año del gobierno de Javier Milei nos llevó a hablar del proceso revolucionario en Siria, el rol de la izquierda mundial y la necesidad de la construcción de una dirección política para pueblo trabajador.

En repuesta al discurso del presidente argentino asegurando que vendrán tiempos mejores, nuestro columnista aseguró que: El gobierno de Milei no va poder terminar con la pobreza porque el capitalismo nunca pudo acabar con la pobreza y porque toda la riqueza es acumulada por un puñado de multinacionales. Entonces lo que estamos viviendo es la dictadura del capitalismo que no tiene nada bueno que ofrecer a la humanidad, si no todo lo contrario.

Con respecto a la posición que tomaron la mayor parte de los partidos de izquierda respecto a los acontecimientos de los últimos días en Siria, Campos dijo lo siguiente: «Ningún partido de izquierda apoyó la revolución en Siria porque lo consideran un fenómeno reaccionario. Apoyaron a un régimen horroroso de un tipo que vivía en un palacio de mármol; un régimen que asesinó a miles de personas». «Ningún partido de izquierda debió haber apoyado a ese régimen y sin embargo lo apoyan»

Carlos Marx y Federico Engels los creadores del socialismo científico

Daniel Campos es dirigente del Nuevo PST y tiene su columna los días miércoles a las 10:30 en el programa Algo Distinto por Radio Nehuén.

El audio completo está abajo.

Source by www.nehuenradio.wordpress.com

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Unleashing the independent voice of the Party https://asiacommune.org/2024/12/12/unleashing-the-independent-voice-of-the-party/ Thu, 12 Dec 2024 15:17:29 +0000 https://asiacommune.org/?p=8325 ]]> Israel Declares War on the Syrian Revolution! https://asiacommune.org/2024/12/12/israel-declares-war-on-the-syrian-revolution/ Thu, 12 Dec 2024 15:08:50 +0000 https://asiacommune.org/?p=8320

We say: yesterday Idlib, today Damascus, tomorrow Jerusalem!

by Michael Pröbsting, Revolutionary Communist International Tendency (RCIT), 10 December 2024, www.thecommunists.net

Since the glorious Syrian Revolution succeeded in overthrowing the Assad tyranny, Israel has escalated its aggression. [1] Israeli air force attacked more than 250 military targets across Syria over the past 48 hours. “This is one of the largest offensive operations in Air Force history,” Israeli military radio Galei Tzahal reported. [2]

Furthermore, the Israeli army deployed troops to the buffer zone on the border between Israel and Syria. Israel’s 210th “Bashan” Regional Division, took over the entirety of the Golan, including the Syrian side of the Mount Hermon summit. According to local sources, reported by the Lebanese Al Mayadeen, “Israeli tanks are now positioned 3 km away from the city of Qatna in the capital’s countryside, nearly 20 km away from Damascus. Moreover, Israeli forces have occupied several towns and villages, including Aarna, Baqa’sm, al-Reemeh, Hinah, Qal’a, Jandal, al-Husseiniyah, Jita, and al-Khashab in the southern countryside of Damascus.[3]

While the United Nations and several Arab countries immediately denounced this blatant aggression and land grab, Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu declared that the Golan Heights would remain permanently under Israeli control.

Israel’s interests

The reasons for the Zionist aggression are obvious. First, as a colonial settler state, Isreal is, and has always been, expansionist and tries to expel the Arab people from their land. It did so in 1948, in 1967, in 1973, in 1982 and today in Gaza. There will be no peace as long as the Zionist terror state continues to exist.

Secondly, Israel fears that a Syria under control of the rebels will be more dangerous than under Assad. Already before the successful overthrow of the tyrant, various Israeli officials stated their preference for Assad staying in power. Eliyahu Yosian, former member of the notorious Israeli 8200 Intelligence Unit, said: “We must support Assad; keeping him in power aligns with Israel’s interests. Assad is a weak guy serving our interests. We must support Assad’s existence.[4] And Israeli state-owned KAN reported that despite labeling Assad as a “brutal dictator,” the U.S. seems to prefer his regime’s stability over the chaos of uncontrolled armed factions. [5]

Israel’s reasoning is no surprise since Syria under the dictatorship of Bashar al-Assad never fired a single shot against the settler state.

Now, with the rebels in power, the Zionist state wants to weaken its enemies as much as possible. The Israeli outlet ynet, affiliated with newspaper Yedioth Ahronoth – one of the largest in the country – reports today: “Israel has seized the historic opportunity after the fall of the Assad regime, to destroy the last remaining advanced weapons systems on its borders. (…) According to estimations the Syrian air force could be destroyed within days and would not fall into the hands of the rebels. Air defenses including surface to air missile systems have also been put out of commission, solidifying Israel’s air superiority.” [6]

And the Times of Israel, another big mainstream newspaper, writes “that if the strikes continue at their current pace, officials believe the Syrian Air Force will be all but destroyed in a matter of days, ensuring that the rebel groups, and any future government, will not be able to threaten Israel from the air.[7]

The Putinist smear of the rebels as “proxies” of Israel and the U.S.

All this demonstrates how silly the smears of the pro-Assad and pro-Putin propagandists – parroted by their Stalinist friends around the world – have been who denounce the rebels as “proxies” of Israel and the U.S. If their so-called “proxies” have come to power, why on earth would Israel intensify its aggression against Syria?! Clearly these people live in a parallel universe … or took too many of Assad’s Captagon pills! [8]

It is a particular shame that the YPG – the self-proclaimed leadership of the Kurdish minority in Syria – has turned to Israel to build an alliance against the rebels. According to the Jerusalem Post – an English-language mainstream Israeli newspaper – “representatives of the Syrian Kurds have appealed to Israeli officials seeking assistance and protection. (…) Israel, which views the Kurdish community as a friendly and Western-oriented entity, has been working with Western countries since the beginning of the current campaign to ensure the security of the Kurds within the emerging new reality in Syria. The current situation, including the victory of Sunni jihadists and the intensification of the civil war, creates security and political uncertainty.[9]

It is obvious that the YPG leadership which has collaborated closely with U.S. imperialism, and which now reaches out to Israel, does not represent the authentic interests of the Kurdish masses! [10]

Let’s be clear: Israel is the enemy of the Syrian people. We have no doubt that the Syrian masses will defend their homeland against the Zionist aggressors, reclaim the Golan Heights and aid the heroic Palestinian people in liberating their land.

A commander of the rebels certainly expressed the feelings of many Syrians when he proclaimed in the famous Umayyad Mosque: “This is the land of Islam, this is Damascus, the Muslim stronghold. From here to Jerusalem. We’re coming for Jerusalem. Patience, people of Gaza, patience!”. [11]

Yesterday Idlib, today Damascus, tomorrow Jerusalem!

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이스라엘이 시리아혁명에 선전포고 하다! https://asiacommune.org/2024/12/12/%ec%9d%b4%ec%8a%a4%eb%9d%bc%ec%97%98%ec%9d%b4-%ec%8b%9c%eb%a6%ac%ec%95%84%ed%98%81%eb%aa%85%ec%97%90-%ec%84%a0%ec%a0%84%ed%8f%ac%ea%b3%a0-%ed%95%98%eb%8b%a4/ Thu, 12 Dec 2024 15:08:46 +0000 https://asiacommune.org/?p=8321

그래, 들어라! 어제 이들리브, 오늘 다마스쿠스, 내일은 예루살렘이다!

미하엘 프뢰브스팅, 혁명적 공산주의인터내셔널 동맹 (RCIT), 2024 12 10, www.thecommunists.net

영광의 시리아혁명이 아사드 폭정을 타도하는 데 성공하자 이스라엘이 시리아에 대한 군사 공격을 본격화하고 있다.[1] 이스라엘 공군은 지난 48시간 동안 시리아 전역의 250개 군사 목표물을 공격했다. 이스라엘 군 라디오 갈레이 차할은 “이것은 이스라엘 공군 역사상 최대 공격작전 중 하나입니다”라고 보도했다.[2]

나아가 이스라엘군은 이스라엘과 시리아 국경의 완충지대에 병력을 배치했다. 이스라엘의 210 “바샨” 지역 사단은 골란고원의 시리아측 전역을 점령했다. 레바논 알 마야딘이 보도한 현지 소식통에 따르면, “이스라엘 탱크가 이제 수도 외곽도시 카트나 시에서 3km 떨어진 지역에 배치되어 있는데, 이곳은 다마스쿠스에서 20km밖에 안 되는 거리다. 게다가 이스라엘 군대는 다마스쿠스의 남쪽에 있는 아르나, 바카스름, 알 리메, 히나, 칼라, 잔달, 알 후세인, 지타, 알 카샤브 등 여러 소도시와 마을을 점령했다.”[3]

유엔과 아랍 국가들이 이 노골적인 침략과 영토 점령을 즉각 비난했지만, 이스라엘 총리 네타냐후는 골란고원이 영구적으로 이스라엘의 통제 하에 있을 것이라고 선언했다.

아사드의 권력 유지가 이스라엘의 이익이다

이스라엘 침략 이유는 분명하다. 첫째, 식민정착자 국가로서 이스라엘은 언제나 팽창주의 국가였고 언제나 아랍 인민을 이 땅에서 추방하려고 해왔다. 1948년, 1967년, 1973년, 1982년, 그리고 오늘 가자에서 그렇게 했다. 시온주의 테러 국가가 계속 존재하는 한 평화는 없을 것이다.

둘째, 이스라엘은 아사드 하에서보다 반군의 통제 하에 있는 시리아는 더 위험할 것으로 보고 있는 것이다. 아사드 폭정 타도 전에 이미 이스라엘 관리들은 아사드가 권력을 유지하는 것을 선호한다고 밝혔다. 악명 높은 이스라엘 8200 정보부대의 엘리야후 요시안은 이렇게 말했다. “우리는 아사드를 지지해야 합니다. 아사드가 권력을 유지하는 것이 이스라엘의 이익에 부합합니다. 아사드는 나약한 사람이지만 우리의 이익에 봉사하는 사람입니다. 우리는 아사드의 존속을 받쳐줘야 합니다.”[4] 그리고 이스라엘 국영통신 KAN은 아사드를 “잔인한 독재자”라며, 그러나 미국은 통제되지 않는 무장정파들의 혼란보다는 아사드 체제의 안정을 선호하는 것으로 보인다고 보도했다.[5]

바샤르 알 아사드 독재 하의 시리아가 가자전쟁 이래로 이스라엘 식민정착자 국가를 향해 단 한 발도 발사한 적이 없다는 점에서 이 같은 이스라엘의 논리는 놀라운 일이 아니다.

이제 반군이 집권함에 따라 시온주의 국가는 자신의 이 적을 가능한 한 약화시키고자 한다. 이스라엘 최대 매체 Ynet은 오늘 다음과 같이 보도했다, “이스라엘은 아사드 정권이 무너진 후 국경에 남아 있는 마지막 첨단 무기 시스템을 파괴할 역사적인 기회를 잡았습니다…. 반군의 손에 넘어가지 않도록 시리아 공군을 수일 내로 파괴할 수 있을 것입니다. 지대공 미사일 시스템을 포함한 방공망도 가동 중단되어 이스라엘의 공중전 우위가 확고해지고 있습니다.”[6]

또 다른 이스라엘 최대 신문 타임스 오브 이스라엘도 다음과 같이 보도했다. “공습이 현재 속도로 계속된다면 시리아 공군이 며칠 내에 거의 파괴될 것이고 반군 정파들과 미래의 시리아 정부는 이스라엘을 공중에서 위협할 수 없게 될 것이다.”[7]

러제의 비방중상: 반군을 미국·이스라엘의 대리인으로 모는 푸틴주의 프로파간다

이 모든 것은 반군을 이스라엘과 미국의 “대리인”(프록시)이라고 비난하는 친 아사드 친 푸틴 프로파간다 음모가들과 이를 앵무새처럼 따라 읊는 전 세계 스탈린주의 조직들의 비방중상이 얼마나 어리석은 짓인지를 보여준다. 이들의 비방중상마냥 이스라엘의 “대리인”이 권력에 올랐는데 왜 이스라엘은 시리아에 대한 군사적 공격을 강화하는 것인가?! 분명히 이들은 평행우주에 살고 있거나, 아니면 아사드의 캡타곤 알약을 너무 많이 복용했거나 둘 중 하나다! [8]

시리아 내 쿠르드 소수민족의 자칭 지도부인 YPG(인민방위대)가 반군에 대항하는 동맹을 구축하기 위해 이스라엘에 손을 벌린 것은 특히 부끄러운 짓이다. 이스라엘 신문 예루살렘 포스트에 따르면, “시리아 쿠르드 대표들이 이스라엘 관리들에게 지원과 보호를 호소해 왔다… 쿠르드 커뮤니티를 우호적이고 서방 지향적인 세력으로 보는 이스라엘은 시리아의 새로운 현실 속에서 쿠르드족의 안전보장을 위한 현 작전 초기부터 서방 국가들과 협력해왔다. 수니 지하드파의 승리와 내전 격화 등 현 상황이 안보 문제와 정치적 불확실성을 낳고 있다.”[9]

그 동안 미 제국주의와 긴밀히 협력해 왔고 이제는 이스라엘에까지 손을 뻗고 있는 YPG 지도부가 쿠르드 대중의 진정한 이익을 대표하지 않는다는 것은 더 말할 것도 없이 분명하다![10]

명확히 하자. 이스라엘은 시리아 인민의 적이다. 우리는 시리아 대중이 시온주의 침략자들에 맞서 나라를 방어하고 골란고원을 되찾고, 영웅적인 팔레스타인 인민의 해방투쟁을 도울 것이라는 데 한 줌 의심도 없다.

반군의 한 지휘관이 유명한 우마이야 모스크에서 다음과 같이 선언했을 때 그것은 확실히 많은 시리아인들의 감정을 표현하는 것이었다. “여기는 이슬람의 땅입니다. 여기는 무슬림의 요새 다마스쿠스입니다. 여기서 예루살렘으로 이어집니다. 우리는 예루살렘을 향해 갑니다. 가자 사람들이여, 버티고 또 버티세요! 우리가 갑니다!”[11]

어제 이들리브, 오늘 다마스쿠스, 내일은 예루살렘이다!

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විසි එක්වන සියවසේ ලොව මිලේච්චතම වර්ණභේදවාදී රාජ්‍යය .. https://asiacommune.org/2024/11/08/%e0%b7%80%e0%b7%92%e0%b7%83%e0%b7%92-%e0%b6%91%e0%b6%9a%e0%b7%8a%e0%b7%80%e0%b6%b1-%e0%b7%83%e0%b7%92%e0%b6%ba%e0%b7%80%e0%b7%83%e0%b7%9a-%e0%b6%bd%e0%b7%9c%e0%b7%80-%e0%b6%b8%e0%b7%92%e0%b6%bd/ Fri, 08 Nov 2024 01:21:48 +0000 https://asiacommune.org/?p=8130

ඊයේ ස්වීට්සර්ලන්තයේ සෙන්ට් ගාලන් නගරයේ පල්ස්තීන් – ඊශ්‍රායල් ගැටුම ගැන සාකචාවක් පැවතුනා. සාකච්චාව සංවිධානය කර තිබුනේ ජාතිවාදයට එරෙහි සංවිධානය සහ තවත් සමාජ සංවිධාන රැසක සහභාගීත්වයෙන් . 

පලස්තීනුවන්ට එරෙහීව ඊශ්‍රායල ගෙන යන වර්ග සංහාරය සහ ලංකාවේ සිංහල ආන්ඩු සුළුතර දෙමළ ජනයාට එරෙහීව ගෙන ගිය වර්ග සංහාරයෙහි සමාන කම් තිබෙනවා. 

එහෙත් ලංකාව ව්‍යවස්ථානූකුලව වර්ණභේදවාදී රාජ්‍යයක් නොවුනද ඊශ්‍රායලය ව්‍යවස්ථාවෙන්ම වර්ණ භේදවාදී රාජ්‍යයක් . එහි ස්වාධිපත්‍යය පිහිටා ඇත්තේ යුදෙව් ජනයාට පමනයි. ඊශ්‍රායලය තුල සිටින පලස්තීන ජනයාට ඒ හා සමාන අයිතිවාසිකම් හිමිවන්නේ නැහැ. ඊට අමතරව ඊශ්‍රායලය විසින් බලහත්කාරයෙන් වාඩීලා සිටින ජනයාට කිසිදු අයිතියක් තියා , ජීවත්වීමට තිබෙන අයිතියත් අහිමිවෙලා.

මෙම සාකච්චාවේදී කරුනු පැහැදිලි කලේ පලස්තීන සිවිස් සමාජ ක්‍රියාකාරීනියක්. එහි දී හෙලිදරව්කල කරුණු අනුව ඊශ්‍රායලය කොතරම් බිහිසුනු වර්ණභේදවාදී රාජ්‍යයක් ද කියා හිතෙනවා. 

ඉතා දරුණු විදියට පලස්තීනුවන්ගේ ජීවිත පාලනය කරන ඊශ්‍රායලය .. ඔවුන් ගේ කන බොන දේ සිට ගමන් කල යුතු වෙලාවල් පවා පාලනය කරනවා.

ඊශ්‍රායලය තුල සිරගත කරසිටින පලස්තීන දරුවන් ගනන 22,000 කට අධිකයි. ඒසේම කාන්තාවන් සහ ළදරුවන් ඔවුන්ට එරෙහීව කෙරෙන ලිංගීක හිරිහැර. ඊශ්‍රායලය තුල ජීවත්වන පලස්තීනුවන් නීතීයෙන්ම යුදෙවන්සේ සමාන අයිතීන් නැති අය.

මොන කාරනා කීවත් ලෝක සම්මත සෑම නීතීයක් සම්මුතියකට ඉහලින් සිටිනා ඊශ්‍රායලයට මනුශ්‍යත්වයට එරෙහි අපරාධ කිරීමට හයිය ලැබෙන්නේත් ඔවුන්ගේ ධනවත් කම සහ ලෝක බලවතුන්ගෙන් ඔවුන්ට කොන්දේසී විරහිතව ලැබෙන සහාය. 

මොකද ආයුධ ජාවාරම්කරුවන්ට මිනිස් ජීවිත වලට වඩා වටින්නේ ලාබය…ඊශ්‍රායලයට යවන සෑම වෙඩි උන්ඩයකම තිබෙන්නේ ලාබය .. ඊශ්‍රායල් ත්‍රස්ත හමුදා මේවනවිට ඝාතනය කර ඇති අයගෙන් 70% ක් ළමුන් සහ කාන්තාවන්. ඒ සෑම ලේ බිංදුවකින්ම ඇමරිකාව ඇතුලු බටහිරට ගෙන එන්නේ ලාබය.

ඊශ්‍රායලය විසින් ඝාසා සහ බටහිර ඉවුරේ එක්සත් ජාතීන්ගේ සහන සේවා ක්‍රියාත්මක වීම මේ වනවිට තහනම් කර තිබෙනවා.එහි අරමුන සෞඛ්‍ය සහ අනෙකුත් සහන නතරකර පලස්තීනුවන් සහගින්දරේ තමා වර්ග සංහාරය වේගවත් කිරීම.

තම ප්‍රතිවාදීය සහගින්දරේ තබා සහ සමූල ඝාතනය කර සාමය සංහිදියාව ඇතිකල හැකියැයි ඊශ්‍රායලය හිතන්නේ නම් එය එසේ නොවන බවට හොදම උදාහරණය ලංකාව සහ වසර තිහක් පුරාවට උතුරට සම්බාදක දමමින් ගෙන ගිය යුද්ධය …

by – Sarath Maddumage

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Capitalism Hits Home: Whole Societies Can Be In Denial, Ours Certainly Is… https://asiacommune.org/2024/10/17/capitalism-hits-home-whole-societies-can-be-in-denial-ours-certainly-is/ Thu, 17 Oct 2024 21:36:35 +0000 https://asiacommune.org/?p=8012
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Présidentielle au Sri Lanka : « Les gens voulaient dégager le système politique bourgeois d’alternance, voter en prolongeant les mobilisations contre les Rajapaksa » https://asiacommune.org/2024/10/06/presidentielle-au-sri-lanka-les-gens-voulaient-degager-le-systeme-politique-bourgeois-dalternance-voter-en-prolongeant-les-mobilisations-contre-les-rajapaksa/ Sun, 06 Oct 2024 15:37:21 +0000 https://asiacommune.org/?p=7921
Anura Kumara Dissanayake, élu président du Sri Lanka

Le 23 septembre 2024, Anura Kumara Dissanayake (AKD) a été élu président du Sri Lanka, au nom de la coalition du National’s People Power (NPP, le pouvoir du peuple national) dont la composante la plus importante est le parti maoïste JVP (voir encart). Le Sri Lanka, île de 22 millions d’habitants au large de l’Inde, avait récemment fait parler de lui en juillet 2022 lorsqu’une mobilisation massive de la population avait fait fuir le président, issu du clan Rajapaksa au pouvoir depuis des années. Cela faisait plusieurs mois que la population exprimait sa colère face à la crise économique et la pénurie. On pouvait voir des queues de dizaines d’heures devant les stations à essence. Dans les quartiers populaires, la population avait organisé la mobilisation dans des comités locaux avant de converger et de faire le siège du palais présidentiel de Galle Face et de l’envahir, ainsi que d’autres bâtiments publics. Le sentiment général était que le clan Rajapaksa, qui avait fourni plusieurs ministres, premiers ministres et présidents depuis une vingtaine d’années, avait bradé les « joyaux de la couronne », notamment les entreprises d’État, et vendu le pays aux impérialistes de tous bords. Ranil Wicremesingue, vieux roublard de la politique, a remplacé Gotabaya Rajapaksa suite aux mobilisations de 2022, mais une des premières mesures qu’il a prises consistait à rembourser la dette publique élevée (114,2 % du PIB en 2022) en puisant dans les fonds de retraite des travailleurs du public (ETF/EPF).

Don Samantha, animateur du blog socialiste panasiatique « Asia Commune » et militant révolutionnaire srilankais en exil en France, nous donne son point de vue.

Interview d’un militant révolutionnaire srilankais

Révolutionnaires – Quel est le sentiment général de la population vis-à-vis de l’élection d’AKD ?

Don Samantha – Les gens sont globalement satisfaits. AKD a rassemblé 46 % des suffrages, le candidat de l’opposition bourgeoise n’a obtenu que 32 % et l’ancien président Ranil Wicremesinge 17 %. Les cinq listes d’extrême gauche cumulées ont atteint moins de 1 %. Les gens voulaient dégager le système politique bourgeois d’alternance, voter en prolongeant les mobilisations contre les Rajapaksa de 2022 (« aragalaya », lutte en sinhala). Les gens vivent dans la misère depuis des années. La mobilisation contre la corruption n’a pas été le fait d’organisations politiques mais de la population elle-même. Le mandat du NPP est de prolonger la mobilisation. La lutte de 2022 n’a pas réussi à produire un leadership alternatif aux organisations traditionnelles malheureusement, mais la population désirait clairement dégager le régime. Les gens ont voté pour AKD, issu du JVP, car les autres composantes de la mobilisation de 2022 se sont éparpillées, certains entrant dans les syndicats, dans les partis de gauche, les ONG, d’autres partant en exil. La mobilisation de 2022 n’avait pas de leadership clair. L’élection d’AKD reste un signal positif. J’ai un ami en France qui est rentré exprès au Sri Lanka pour voter alors même que le billet d’avion coutait plus de 1 000 euros. Dans tout le pays, le JVP a mené campagne de manière très intense.

R – Par rapport aux difficultés économiques qui avaient provoqué la mobilisation de 2022, où en est-on ?

DS – Selon le gouvernement, l’inflation a baissé à 2 %, mais lorsque les gens vont faire leurs courses, ils ont l’impression que les prix sont toujours élevés. L’Inde et le FMI ont accordé des prêts au Sri Lanka afin que le gouvernement ne dévalue pas la monnaie. Pourtant, selon des ONG, 30 % des enfants srilankais sont mal nourris. Mon frère et ma belle-sœur sont fonctionnaires avec trois enfants, et la famille peut à peine rester la tête hors de l’eau. C’est pour ça que la population voulait dégager le régime. Malgré tout, il n’y a plus de longues queues pour s’approvisionner en pétrole comme c’était le cas en 2022. Grâce aux crédits donnés par l’Inde, la situation est un peu revenue à la normale.

R – Quelles politiques AKD veut-il mettre en place par rapport à la dette ?

DS – Le JVP, principal membre du NPP, dont est issu AKD, est un parti maoïste créé dans les années 1960. Mais les prises de position d’AKD sur la dette sont très orthodoxes. Au lendemain de son élection, il a publié un communiqué de presse disant qu’il était prêt à travailler avec le FMI. Le FMI a fait de même. AKD a dit qu’il fallait « renégocier la dette » mais de manière floue, sans préciser les mesures qu’il prendrait. Les agences de notation (Fitch, Standards and Poors) ont décidé de ne pas dégrader la note des emprunts srilankais. Le président a dit qu’il mettait le pays en état d’urgence, mais, une fois de plus, sans expliciter ce qu’il voulait dire par là. La population est surprise car celle ne perçoit pas le sens de cet état d’urgence.

R – Quelle est la politique d’AKD sur la question tamoule1 ?

DS – Avant l’élection, AKD s’est rendu dans la capitale tamoule au nord du pays, Jaffna, en déclarant que le sud du pays (cingalais) était prêt au changement et que les Tamouls devaient faire un effort sinon ils resteraient sur le côté. AKD ne s’est jamais prononcé sur les massacres de Tamouls organisés par le gouvernement Rakpaksa en 2009 auxquels le JVP a participé : plus de 40 000 morts et 15 000 disparus. Des commissions ont été mises en place au niveau du Parlement pour faire la lumière sur ces événements. AKD y a participé en tant que parlementaire, mais s’est peu exprimé sur le sujet. Les Tamouls ont voté majoritairement pour les partis bourgeois et contre AKD, même si les résultats d’AKD au nord et à l’est sont plus élevés que ceux du JVP par le passé.

Propos recueillis par Stan Miller


Le JVP (Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna)

Le JVP est une scission maoïste du Parti communiste du Sri Lanka qui date de 1965. Il est notamment connu pour deux tentatives de coup d’État (1971 et 1987-1989) où le parti a lancé des dizaines de milliers de ses militants à l’assaut de commissariats et de bases militaires, provoquant une répression terrible. Le JVP, très chauvin, s’oppose à l’auto-détermination du peuple tamoul, soutenant les gouvernements cingalais dans leur répression des indépendantistes tamouls (les LTTE : Liberation Tiger of Tamil Eelam, tigres de libération de l’Eelam tamoul) ; il a même fourni des recrues pour l’opération génocidaire anti-tamoul de 2009, dirigée par le clan Rajapaksa.


Les trotskistes au Sri Lanka

Le premier parti politique fondé au Sri Lanka en 1935 était un parti trotskiste, le Lanka Sama Samaja Party (LSSP) et a eu un rôle important dans les luttes sociales notamment le hartal (grève générale) de 1953. Suite à sa participation à un gouvernement bourgeois en 1964, le LSSP a connu de nombreuses scissions : plusieurs groupes en sont issus et se disputent la représentation du trotskisme au Sri Lanka, comme ce fut le cas lors des dernières élections présidentielles. Le NSSP (Nawa Sama Samaja Party), scission du LSSP dans les années 1970-80, a remporté 12 760 voix. Il était la section srilankaise de la 4e Internationale (secrétariat unifié) jusqu’à son exclusion récente pour collaboration électorale avec un parti bourgeois (l’United National Party). L’United Socialist Party, section srilankaise du Comité pour une internationale ouvrière (CIO), a obtenu 8 954 voix. La coalition des anciens du JVP (le Frontline Socialist Party : FSP) et de la scission « gauche » du NSSP a recueilli 11 191 voix sous le nom de Socialist People’s Forum (forum du peuple socialiste). Le parti de l’égalité socialiste (SEP), lié au World Socialist Website, a obtenu 4 410 voix. Le parti socialiste du Sri Lanka (SLSP), lié à la 5e Internationale, a rassemblé 5 338 voix. Les trotskistes et leurs alliés ont obtenu au total plus de 42 653 voix, soit 0,31 % du total. Leur émiettement est dû à des positions différentes sur la question nationale tamoule et sur la question de la dette. Certains font campagne pour l’annulation de la dette du FMI, d’autres pour l’annulation également des dettes bilatérales. Sur la question tamoule, certains sont favorables à différentes formes d’autonomie, d’autres à un processus d’auto-détermination. Cet émiettement électoral ne doit pas faire oublier que les trotskistes jouent un rôle dans les luttes, notamment à travers leurs liens avec des syndicats combatifs.


 
1  Les Tamouls sont une ethnie minoritaire au Sri Lanka – 16 % de la population. Ils parlent le tamoul et ont l’hindouisme comme religion, contrairement à l’ethnie majoritaire, les Cingalais, qui parlent le sinhala et sont bouddhistes. Ils se situent dans le nord et l’est de l’île. Depuis les années 1970, des revendications d’indépendance ou d’autonomie ont émergé chez les Tamouls face au racisme des gouvernements cingalais.

source par :- https://npa-revolutionnaires.org

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The Commune, a living tradition for Pumé people in Venezuela https://asiacommune.org/2024/07/12/the-commune-a-living-tradition-for-pume-people-in-venezuela/ Fri, 12 Jul 2024 08:40:59 +0000 https://asiacommune.org/?p=7625
By Chris Gilbert, Cira Pascual Marquina (Posted Jul 10, 2024)
Originally published: Venezuelanalysis.com on July 5, 2024 (more by Venezuelanalysis.com)  |

For many indigenous peoples of Venezuela, the socialist commune is not new at all but resonates with existing and previous social practices that include communal land tenure and self-governance. That is the case for the Pumé community called “Coporo Indígena,” located in upper Apure just outside Biruaca. Due to its small population, this community is registered as a communal council rather than as a commune.
The history of this Pumé settlement, which takes its name from the coporo river fish, parallels that of many Indigenous communities who have been systematically displaced from their land and made victims of structural violence. Although the Bolivarian Revolution brought important reforms and programs that favored the Pumé and other Indigenous peoples of Venezuela, many injustices still persist, awaiting resolution.
The men and women living in the Coporo Indígena community formerly lived in San José de Capanaparo, near the Colombian border. However, in 1980, the family of cacique Mario García settled in the territory of what is now known as Coporo Indígena. Little by little they built houses, wells, and cleared 30 acres of land for growing corn, beans, topocho [small plantain], and planted a diverse medicinal garden.
Last year, the community comprised 32 families. However, in January 2024, a new group of displaced families arrived on foot from San José de Capanaparo, having fled that region due to violence from irregular groups crossing the border. Today, Coporo Indígena is home to some 50 families who maintain their language and many of their traditions. In the following testimonies, three spokespeople discuss the community’s organization and economy, along with the impact of the U.S. blockade on their daily lives.
SHORT HISTORY OF A PUMÉ COMMUNITY
Mario García: Criollos [non-indigenous people] often ask us where we come from and we always tell them that we are from here, from this land that you and I call Apure. We were here before the invaders came; this was our home before they took our land and our wealth by violent means; we lived here before they tried to strip us of our culture and our cosmovision.
The colonial system attempted to snatch life away from the Pumé people. Still, we have preserved and nurtured the cornerstones of our culture: our belief system, which is integrated with the earth; our organizational structure, which is centered on the community; our crafts, which were passed on to us by the elders; and our language, which is key to the integrity of our people.
I was born in a Pumé community in San José de Capanaparo. In fact, everyone living in Coporo Indígena hails from Capanaparo. Some of us, myself included, came here in 1980, while others arrived just a few months ago. They are the victims of irregular groups of Colombian origin that penetrated the community and forced 17 families to quietly flee their homes on the night of December 24, 2023.
| Daniel García was recently displaced from San José de Capanaparo and is now living in Coporo Indígena | Gladys García is a spokesperson for the Coporo Indígena Communal Council | Mario García is the cacique political leader of the Coporo Indígena Pumé community Rome Arrieche | MR OnlineDaniel García was recently displaced from San José de Capanaparo and is now living in Coporo Indígena | Gladys García is a spokesperson for the Coporo Indígena Communal Council | Mario García is the cacique (political leader) of the Coporo Indígena Pumé community. (Photo: Rome Arrieche)
COMMUNAL ORGANIZATION
Mario García: Maintaining a close-knit community in which the land is not individually held but instead sustains everyone who works is integral to the Pumé way of life. Thus, the commune is nothing new for us. In Coporo Indígena, we are organized as a communal council because we are a small Indigenous island in a territory settled by criollos, but we live communally.
Why do I say this? The 30 hectares of land we inhabit are cared for collectively: anyone who works the land will benefit from it, and nobody in our community will go to bed hungry if the land yields its bounty.
Years ago, when this tract of land was assigned to us, the National Land Institute [INTI] wanted to divide it among the families that lived here then. We didn’t like the idea of dividing the land, so we had to confront the authorities. Fortunately, we succeeded, so the only fence that you will see now is the wire around the perimeter of the Coporo Indígena tract of land. We know that fences not only divide the land, but they also divide the community.
In a Pumé community, problems are discussed in meetings and we develop a plan to solve them together. This is what Chávez talked about, but it’s nothing new for us. Of course, this doesn’t mean that we don’t need outside help. In fact, we often do. For example, as a community, we have determined that our priority right now is access to water because our communal council grew overnight when our brothers and sisters from San José de Capanaparo arrived here in January. We need water pumps, which will allow us to increase our production, and we have requested government support to make that happen.
Our ancestors lived in tightly-knit communities or communes, and this kind of organization continues to define our way of life. You may ask, why stick to the old ways? Because we are here to preserve our culture, our language, and our way of life… and there is only one way for this to happen: sharing what we have while living in harmony with nature. This is something that criollo culture has yet to learn.
But we are not only a people of the past. We live in modernity, and that’s why we demand attention from the government: we too need homes, electricity, water, and roads as well as healthcare and education. We don’t shy away from modernity, but we don’t embrace it blindfolded.
Gladys García: In criollo society, what is yours is yours, and what is mine is mine and there’s no two ways about it. In the criollo world, you may not know your neighbor and you aren’t likely to think much about the land where you stand, about nature, about the earth. In Pumé society, we all work together and share the little that we have: shelter, water, and other goods, while the care of the community and the land is everybody’s task.
That’s why, when our brothers and sisters from San José de Capanaparo arrived here in January, we opened our doors to them. What do we expect from them? That they work like us and live like us.
| The economic base of Coporo Indígena | MR Online
ECONOMY
Mario García: The economic base of Coporo Indígena is farming, while back at home [San José de Capanaparo], the economic base is hunting, fishing, but also subsistence farming as well as craftwork. However, subsistence farming practices have been historically threatened by those who want to commodify the land.
Our agricultural production at Coporo Indígena is hybrid, joining ancestral practices with modern ones. We don’t shy away from mechanization but we also deploy the knowledge passed on by our parents and grandparents. While we are set on preserving our culture, we are not a relic of the past: we aim to technify our production and improve and modernize our living conditions.
We need farm equipment, better roads, and pumps to get water out of the wells. The latter is actually an urgent matter, particularly since a group of displaced families arrived in our community earlier this year. As it is right now, we have enough water to cook and drink, but we don’t have enough water to maintain our production. As an organized community, we are working so that the Consejo Federal de Gobierno [Venezuelan state institution that funds communal projects] finances the digging of new wells and the purchase of pumps.
We have 30 hectares of collective land in Coporo Indígena. Of those, ten are designated for corn production. At the moment, our corn yield is about 1,500 kilos per hectare, but we can bump that up to 4,500 by improving the wells. We could also grow ten hectares of beans with an estimated yield of 1,500 kilos per hectare, amounting to 15,000 kilos per crop. However, this will only be possible if we can solve the water supply issues that we face.
Gladys García: We make many of our own utensils from “tapara” [calabash], from plates to spoons to colanders. We weave our hats and slings to carry the babies out of macanilla [a type of palm] shoots. We make toys such as the trompo [top] and the bobotó [a ball]. We learned the craft from our mothers and grandmothers, and cherish it dearly.
Much of the artisanal production that we sell is made with the “cogollo de macanilla,” which is a bush similar to the coconut palm that grows in San José de Capanaparo. We weave these goods for ourselves, but we also sell some of them so that we can buy rice and sugar.
Unfortunately, we haven’t been able to get “cogollo de macanilla” lately, but we hope to be able to get it soon: when we have stock, we can make three hats in one day, and if we sell them at 5 USD per piece, that’s 15 dollars coming into our household!
Daniel García: In San José de Capanaparo we grew yuca and made our own casabe, we also grew topocho, ñame, and ocumo [root vegetables]. The land there is communal; which means that nobody from the community is kept from working the land.
The land in Capanaparo is less generous than this one, so we worked it for one year at a time and then let it rest. However, in Capanaparo we could hunt and fish all year round. We hunted with bows and arrows and we caught the babas [small caiman] with a harpoon. At night you could hunt them on the side of the river when they are sleepy.
IMPACT OF THE BLOCKADE
Mario García: Here, in Coporo Indígena, we didn’t go hungry even during the worst of the blockade: we make auyama [pumpkin] pancakes and yuca arepas; we also have a conuco [small, diversified plot of land] where we grow corn, beans, and topocho; and we have free-range chickens that lay the best eggs; so our stomachs didn’t go growling. Sometimes we were short on coffee or sugar, but we were able to sustain our community on our own. The blockade helped us re-learn one lesson: we have the tools to break with the outside world if need be.
Our way of doing things is like the bee: we ensure our colony’s wellbeing today and we save part of our production for the winter [rainy season]. Then, whatever is left gets sold or exchanged for whatever we may need.
Daniel García: In San José de Capanaparo we never went hungry: we grew some of our own food, we hunted chigüires [large rodents] and caimans, and the river was there to gift us as much fish as we could eat. What did we need from the outside? Sugar, salt, and little else.
However, we have seen many problems emerge with the blockade and the crisis: in recent years, irregular armed groups have grown in Capanaparo. The phenomenon is an extension of the war in Colombia: I think the economic pressures endured by Venezuela offered good conditions for the expansion of these groups.
This situation is what drove 17 families to leave our homes in San José de Capanaparo on Christmas Eve [2023]. The pressure to join the irregular groups was such that we had to quietly leave town on foot in the middle of the night: we left our houses, our pigs and chickens, everything we had, and walked away! A month later we arrived here, where we were received with open arms.
Gladys García: We have seen the deterioration of our community’s health over the past few years. Now it’s hard for us to get medicines, and it is also hard to get to the hospital. When you go to the doctor, all they can do is give you a piece of paper with the medication you need written on it… but how is one to pay for it?
Before the blockade, things were very different: we were able to get medicines, there were efforts to map the health situation of our community, and pregnant women got vitamin supplements and monitoring.
However, we are not as dependent as other communities. We have our shaman, who visits us regularly while Señora Prudencia, our midwife, brings our children to this world in the Pumé way.
Mario García: The impact of the crisis is indeed noticeable in our community. However, we have something that criollo culture doesn’t have: shamans. Shamans are our maximum authority; they teach us how to live in harmony with the earth and can cure many maladies with leaves and flowers, or with chants and ceremonies.
That doesn’t mean that we are against what some call “scientific medicine.” Some ailments can be cured by our shaman, while others require conventional treatment.
| Coporo Indígena | MR Online
THE BOLIVARIAN REVOLUTION AND THE INDIGENOUS STRUGGLE
Mario García: Before Chávez came to power, state violence against us [Indigenous people] was part of everyday life: the displacement of Indigenous communities with the participation of police and military forces, who were at the service of the terratenientes [large-scale landowners], was not uncommon in Apure.
The Marcos Pérez Jimenez dictatorship [1953-58] was particularly bloody. Back then, in Las Piñas [Guachara municipality, Apure], more than a thousand people were killed. The massacres didn’t end there, however, although they de-intensified. In 1996 or 1997, a large Indigenous family was massacred by the state’s repressive forces. The police and the armed forces have never been our friends.
The revolutionary process saw an important reduction in violence against us [Indigenous peoples]. Additionally, we saw advances in political representation at the national level. Finally, the Bolivarian Process was important in the preservation of our ethnolinguistic practices: in school, many Indigenous kids around the country are learning how to read and write in their mother tongue, and many communities have direct control over the schools in their territory, although this happens with Ministry of Education oversight.
That is the case with the bilingual school in our territory: the Paula Ruiz School has been under our purview since 2015, when we requested that it be transferred from the Ministry of Education to the community.
With the Bolivarian Process, access to higher education also widened for Indigenous people like myself. When I was a kid growing up in San José de Capanaparo, we could only study through 6th grade. If we wanted to go on studying, the only option was a Catholic school. My family, like most Indigenous families, couldn’t pay the fees that the priests demanded, so Indigenous kids saw their education truncated.
When Chávez came into power, I was able to graduate from high school via Misión Ribas. From there I went to Misión Cultura, where I got a degree in education. This would not have been possible without the Bolivarian Process.
We have seen many advances over the past 25 years, but the historical debt of criollo society with us hasn’t been settled: many serious socio-economic problems, from housing to healthcare, persist, while structural violence is still present.
There is a long road to go: we have many challenges, from historical injustices to the U.S. blockade. We need to be heard, but we stand with President Nicolás Maduro and with the Bolivarian Revolution.
Monthly Review does not necessarily adhere to all of the views conveyed in articles republished at MR Online. Our goal is to share a variety of left perspectives that we think our readers will find interesting or useful. —Eds.

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The revolutionary history of International Women’s day! https://asiacommune.org/2024/03/11/the-revolutionary-history-of-international-womens-day/ Mon, 11 Mar 2024 17:07:16 +0000 https://asiacommune.org/?p=6755

International Women’s Day (IWD) has its roots in the early 20th century, marked by various events and movements that aimed to advocate for women’s rights and address gender inequality. Here’s a brief overview of its revolutionary history:

Early 20th Century Labor Movements:

The first National Woman’s Day was observed in the United States on February 28, 1909, organized by the Socialist Party of America in remembrance of the 1908 strike of the International Ladies’ Garment Workers’ Union, where women protested against poor working conditions.

Clara Zetkin’s Proposal:

In 1910, during the Second International Conference of Working Women held in Copenhagen, Clara Zetkin, a German Marxist theorist, proposed the idea of an International Women’s Day. Her proposal was met with unanimous approval, and the first International Women’s Day was celebrated the following year, in 1911, in several European countries.

Focus on Suffrage:

Initially, the focus of International Women’s Day was on women’s suffrage and their right to vote. Women used this day to protest and advocate for their political rights.

Russian Revolution:

International Women’s Day gained significant momentum during the Russian Revolution of 1917. On March 8th (February 23rd in the Julian calendar then used in Russia), a large demonstration of women in Petrograd (now St. Petersburg) marked the beginning of the revolution. Women protested against food shortages and poor living conditions, eventually leading to the abdication of Tsar Nicholas II and the establishment of a provisional government.

Official Recognition:

In 1977, the United Nations officially recognized March 8th as International Women’s Day, and it has since become a global day of celebration and activism, focusing on various issues including gender equality, reproductive rights, violence against women, and economic empowerment.

Modern Activism:

Today, International Women’s Day is celebrated worldwide with events, rallies, and campaigns advocating for women’s rights. It serves as a reminder of the progress made towards gender equality and the work that still needs to be done to achieve it.

    Overall, International Women’s Day has a rich history rooted in the struggle for women’s rights and continues to be an important platform for raising awareness about gender inequality and promoting women’s empowerment.

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    Free Palestine – Protest Around the World! From the River to the Sea… https://asiacommune.org/2023/11/11/free-palestine-protest-around-the-world-from-the-river-to-the-sea/ Sat, 11 Nov 2023 23:43:05 +0000 https://asiacommune.org/?p=6383
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